Higher Education Equity Literature Database

Context: Explicitly examines the impact of school curriculum on maintain patterns of inequality (educational outcomes, participation) of low SES students and argues that universities are complicit. Explores alternative modes of entry "that disrupt the established curriculum hierarchy by valuing a broad range of knowledges for entry to university" (abstract). Positions curriculum = what is taught and how delivered = vehicle for social reproduction of classed inequalities. The traditional core of the curriculum "favours students who can draw on the cultural and intellectual resources of the middle class, who come from families where reading is encouraged, intellectual activities are valued above manual and 'high culture' is valued above 'mass culture'" (p.903). Bottom of hierarchy of school subjects = VET/ vocational subjects. Discussion of scaling of subjects for TER on p.904.
Aim:
Theoretical frame: Bourdieu - cultural and social capital
Methodology: Ethnographic: draws on data collected from 3 schools as part of ethnographic project exploring experience of schooling in disadvantaged schools. Conducted small group/individual interviews with students (n=102) and teachers/school leaders (n=34) + observations at each site over 2 terms. Schools located in city in South Australia.
Inequity is reproduced through hierarchies in subjects, dichotomy between VET and academic courses and expectations of staff and students: "When university places are limited and access is based on relative (apparent)
merit, the secondary curriculum orders young people into a social hierarchy of post-secondary options where the success of more privileged students comes at the cost of students from low socio-economic backgrounds" (p.901)
Findings: Most disadvantaged school offered 6 HE selection subjects in Year 12: biology, English communications, PE, studies of society, food & hospitality, visual arts and more school assessed subjects and VET options: "The range of subjects offered suggests that the school had determined that the traditional competitive academic curriculum was not appropriate for its students" (p.905). By contrast, the largest school offered wide range of
HESS subjects and marketed itself on that basis. Members of staff in this school = divided in terms of how they viewed students capacity to cope with 'higher level' subjects (e.g. Extension Maths/ Physics), and for many students, the demands of the academic (traditional) curriculum = "overwhelming" (p.906) and attrition rate was high. The other school = high mix of diverse cultures and offered mid-range of HESS subjects. Also has agreement with local TAFE to allow school students to undertake Year 11 on TAFE campus to do Cert 2 VET qualification alongside school subjects. Students complained about strong direction towards maths and science and that TAFE pathways encouraged rather than HE, suggesting "the 'taken for granted' beliefs of many of these students: that students like themselves are not capable of achieving university" (p.907).
Discussion
VET in schools
"Vocational subjects dominate in low SES, government schools, often at the expense of academic options, and are rarely chosen by young people from the highest socio-economic backgrounds" (p.908); others have argued that VET provision = low quality (Polesel, 2008) and offers little post-school currency. Wheelahan (2007) argues that CBT = serves to exclude low SES students from 'powerful knowledges' of academic disciplines. Rather, VET and academic pathways should be kept as connected via school could help to reduce stigmatization of VET (p.909; Teese & Polesel, 2003).
Standards/ expectations
All students said Years 7-9 = waste of time because they didn't have to do much to pass and thus does not prepare students well for academic study in Year 12. Teachers conversely viewed students as underprepared when they arrive at secondary school. Thus, "the stratification of the school curriculum operates [to limit] subject choices and steering students away from a university pathway" (p.913)
Alternatives?
'Capabilities-based approach' to student selection for HE = portfolio admissions procedure with students asked to provide evidence they have the capacity to succeed [onus on student] and can include ECAs, voluntary work, other forms of learning. This approach disrupts traditional hierarchical curriculum by valuing a much broader ranges of knowledges and experiences beyond the school curriculum/ classroom. For example: UniSA = 'Portfolio Entry Scheme' [also see Harvey, 2012]
Core argument: Tranter argues that "the senior secondary curriculum and higher education selection processes are heavily skewed against students from low SES schools" (p.911)

Context: Within context of increasing student numbers (because of gov't policy; cites 20% low SES target post 2009) - takes the view that it is necessary to demystify higher education culture: "the invisible pedagogy, the often unstated expectations and requirements of higher-education institutions, the specialist discourses and the wider university culture" (p.949). Demystifying = "making the implicit explicit" (p.949). Takes view that "not being taught the language of the academy... can marginalise LSES students, deny them an 'academic voice' and exclude them from the knowledge community" (p.953; cites Gee, 1991). Draws heavily on Jil Lawrence and Andrew Northedge to position argument.
Theoretical frame: Connections made to belonging; Devlin's (2011) conceptualisation of bridging sociocultural incongruence - neither students nor institutions in deficit, instead = incongruity between middle class ideals and low SES backgrounds
Methodology: Literature review and reports on qualitative national study (OLT project) on effective teaching and support for low SES students; 'success-focused'/ what works methodology [??]. 89 low SES students (post-Year 1) interviewed (from 3 HEIs); 26 staff from 6 HEIs interviewed
Findings: Offers findings that substantiate the literature but add little new. Offers a very brief summary of teachers' views of how to teach discourse (support workshops for LSES run by ALL staff but without othering/ signifying a view of deficit) but this is not expanded ('outside the scope' of the paper)
Core argument: That LSES students need to be taught the discourse of the academy.

Context: Offers reflection on one approach to supporting diverse students in Australian university (presumably UOW), based on community of practice model. Notes need for students to be inculcated into university practices/ routines/ conventions etc. Discusses transition program = 'Uni-Start' (began in 2007) which drew "on the experiences of the experts within the university community to provide the skills and knowledge necessary for the "novice" or newcomer to cope with this new environment" (p.153). Set in context of increased participation in HE and in the marketised HE sector (student-as-client and brand establishment) - working towards call for need to understand importance of student-institution relationships and communication. Cites AUSSE statistics from 2010 that suggest students were unhappy with level of familiarity with staff - many had not received 'timely' feedback from teachers, and a decreasing number believe their teacher knows their name ("sense of isolation and disjuncture" (p.154)) - foregrounds need to attend to social dimension of transition/ learning
Aim:
Theoretical frame: Based on Lave and Wenger's concept of communities of practice, which are "built on the idea of shared understandings that characterize an environment, much of which is not taught formally" (p.154)
Methodology:
Findings: Uni-Start = 2-day program: systematic and individualised approach: students encouraged to learn in socially situated context. Program = led by student facilitators (students in higher years of study) who apply for the position and are trained in adult learning principles/ techniques for facilitation/ given book vouchers as incentive-payment: "This peer-led transition program utilizes experiential, situated learning activities, building on a constructivist approach that recognizes the need for learning to be situated within the environment where these new skills and knowledge will be used"
(p.155). Program content based on what student-facilitators view as 'missing' and engage new students in 'meaningful dialogue'. New students encouraged to reflect on skills and knowledges they bring to university. Activities include: ice-breakers, orientation/ scavenger hunts/ trivia tests; also, sometimes = presentations on university terminology/ essay writing etc. (decided by student facilitators).
Discussion of evaluations and feedback gained: mostly satisfied and considered relevant. Follow up phone call data = all students would recommend attending the program. More discipline-specific focus desired
Opportunity for student-facilitators to 'give back' = "unexpected outcome" (p.157). 'A number of' facilitators expressed that they would be happy to do it in voluntary capacity

Context: University access in South African context. Examines social justice (theories of and application) in consideration of WP. Argues that social justice as a much-used term has lost much of its meaning; therefore justifiying the revisiting of social justice theory and how helpful it can be to understand inequality in HE: "The difference between increased participation and widened participation and the ways in which these terms are used in policy discourse and practice is one example of how competing social justice claims play out in the access terrain" (p.144). Offers an overview of the South African HE landscape post-Apartheid (now 23 HEIs). Proportional representation of African students (coloured/ black) = an issue, compared with White African participation
Theoretical frame: Three theories of social justice drawn on: Rawls (distributive justice); Young (justice and the politics of difference), to argue for Capabilities Approach (Sen; Nussbaum)
Methodology: Essay
Findings: Rawls (1999) = Justice as Fairness (aka distributive justice) - This is an ideal notion of justice, which works from notion of 'original position' = hypothetical starting point of innocence/ ignorance of difference and status, which recognised the plurality of views of what a 'good life' is for different people/ groups. If this 'original position' existed, we would make decisions based on utilitarian notions of what is fair to all. Rawls proposed two main principles for basis of just society: 1) position in society = based on 'natural lottery', thus morally arbitrary; 2) = 'difference principle' = assessment of what 'primary goods' (means and resources): "inequalities can only be seen as just should the inequality lead to the greatest benefit for the least well off (in terms of their holdings of primary goods)" (p.146). Two arguments against applying Rawl's ideas about justice to access to HE: 1) as Sen points out, the focus on primary goods does not take into account what people can do with their resources [aka: it only focuses on what people have, not how they use it] and 2) doesn't take into account the circumstances within which people live (equality is not the same as equity) - see critique of distributive justice from Young and Fraser (below)
Young (1990) = Justice and the politics of difference. This is a multidimensional notion. Begins with critique of distributive notion of justice because of the focus on the allocation of resources concealing the importance/ influence of sociocultural structures and institutional contexts. Where primary goods were explicated to include non-materials goods (such as agency, voice etc.), Young argued these were constructed in linear/ non-dynamic ways that fail to account for the complexity of social processes. Young argues that a focus on distribution is not enough; there are 2 social conditions that impede justice: oppression and domination, and she identifies 5 forms of oppression: exploitation, marginalisation, powerlessness, cultural imperialism, and violence - these make up the constituent parts of injustice. Eisenberg (2006) has taken up Young's ideas in the context of education, and suggests that elements where concrete strategies to resist oppression play out at the level of curricula and programs, "that both reflect and raise awareness of societies consisting of multicultural, multinational and multilingual groupings, as well as tackling issues of oppression and domination such as racism, sexism and so on" (p.148), as well as seeking the involvement of people who represented disadvantaged groups. Limitation = not sufficient analytic space for understanding individual difference [as opposed to group difference] and agency. In the specific context of access to HE, therefore, needs the application of groups as units of analysis which can ignore the experiences of individuals; "Thus, Young's analytical privileging of the group over the individual limits the value of this approach for fully understanding inequality and injustice in higher education" (p.149).
Fraser (1996, 1997) Parity of Participation = also acknowledges the distribution is important but not sufficient for explaining issues of social justice. Her tritaparte version of social justice = redistribution (socioeconomic dimension/ form of socioeconomic justice), recognition (cultural dimension) and representation (political dimension). Together = form an analytic frame for examining parity of participation. With specific application to HE, widening access = broadly about expanding participation. Redistribution = largely understood at level of financial resources (e.g. funding, scholarships, other forms of financial support). Recognition = needs to connect with issues related to language of study/assessment, the welcoming of diverse students, support and identification of 'at risk' students. Limitation = again there is a lack of analytic space to account for individual agency, which Leibowitz argues = based on the assumption "that higher education is an activity that is done to students and not with them" (2009: 94; cited p.150).
Sen (1999)/ Nussbaum (2000) = Capabilities approach. Takes as starting point the well-being of individuals and quality of life/ values. With regard to university access = involves asking questions of what students can do and why they want to be there. Focus on wellbeing = antithesis to large-scale standardized assessment for enrolment. Capabilities = 'opportunity freedoms', therefore the freedom "an individual has to enjoy the functionings necessary for their well-being" (p.151). Capabilities brings agency and structure together (thus moving beyond the limitations of Young and Fraser) through 'conversion factors', so that the analytic lens can focus on how well (or not) people are able to convert opportunities into achievements, which allows for individual/ structural difference of opportunity to be accounted for. Conversion factors include "personal heterogeneities, environmental diversities, variations in social climate, differences in relational perspectives, and distribution within the family" (Sen, 1999: 71; cited p.151)
Core argument: The capabilities approach offers a more holistic analytic frame for understanding issues of social justice in HE because it "draws attention to the importance of understanding students' everyday lives and experiences, and the conditions (personal, social, economic, environmental) that enable and constrain students'
wellbeing and performance" (p.152), and foregrounds the 'unqeual conversion' of HE opportunities. Making resources available (e.g. more places in HE) = not enough to address social justice issues; "It is the relationship between the available resources and the ability of each student to convert these into valued capabilities and then make choices which will inform their actual functionings (outcomes) that ought to be evaluated" (p.151-2)

Context: Examines enrolment patterns in the context of the deregulated system and in the context of widened participation in HE. Looks specifically at the ATAR - describes the arbitrary nature of setting minimum thresholds (e.g. ATAR of 70) - which is deemed to represent potential for 'success' in HE - when universities adapt the entry requirements.
Aim: To investigate the relationship between the method of entry (whether with an ATAR score or without an ATAR score) to an undergraduate teacher education course; to challenge current perceptions about student entry scores, course progression and course completion rates. Posed this RQ (p.26):
- Do students who enter the first year of a university course with an ATAR score have better completions rates than students without an ATAR score, and is there a difference between course completion rates for students with an ATAR score of 70 and students with an ATAR score below 70?
Theoretical frame:
Methodology: Participants = 609 students enrolled in 5 teacher education courses between 2006 - 2009 at CSU (2 early/primary with 2/3 of participants; 3 secondary with 1/3 of participants). Collected data pertaining to entry route (ATAR/TAFE etc.), ATAR score, course completion, SES, school attended and gender. 26.6% = m; 73.3% = f
Findings:
CSU had lowest low SES intake by % terms in 1997
27.7% of teacher enrolments were from low SES backgrounds (8% high SES;64% mid-SES)
2/3 of teacher-trainees were from public schools (23% from Catholic;9.4% from independent schools)
20% of students came from TAFE pathway, 24% came from Yr 12
Just under 75% had got an ATAR but 28% primary and 26% secondary students came through direct school-uni pathway
For students who didn't have an ATAR, 75% came via TAFE pathway
Of ATAR scores, 70% of primary/early students got under 69; 74% of secondary students got under 69
No SES difference for course completions
In 2009, 67% primary/early and 72% secondary students had completed or were one semester away from completing, meaning that 33% and 28% of students dropped out
Of the drop outs, 23.5% had an ATAR of 70+ and 32% had an ATAR of 69 or below
22% of students who came via TAFE dropped out, 28% of higher education pathway, 33% of Yr 12, 34% of special entry, 40% of 'other'
No significant difference found between 3 types of schools attended
Core argument: Findings challenge public perceptions of how students enter university: only _ came via school/ Yr 12. Most came via 'special entry' [including enabling?] Knipe argues that "for all the concern about entry standards and ATAR, there was little difference in course completion rates between entry pathways" (p.37); therefore entry scores like ATAR are not necessarily a strong predictor of completion/success.

Context: Enabling programs offered in low SES high schools. Low SES participation/ underrepresentation in Australian higher education, particularly in terms of school articulation and obtaining an ATAR for university entry. Authors note literature that supports idea that well-resourced (higher SES) schools facilitate direct transition to university and make connections with teacher quality/ management of behavioural issues and disruption. Authors also note demotivating effects of NAPLAN, and the limiting effects of a reduced suite of academic subjects for HSC. Authors argue that underpinning these factors is the assumption that low SES students should go into VET. Local cultural patterns also make "it difficult for individuals living in these regions to gain the skills they need to reduce their likelihood of repeating the cycle of entrenched disadvantage" (p.491). Authors also review literature on aspirations
Aim: To "test whether academic encouragement supported students' school satisfaction and increased their desire for, expectation of and belief in the possibility of university study and whether differences were evident depending on pathway of study: the ATAR pathway versus a Year 12 access enabling pathway program called TLC110" (abstract). Hypothesis: "students that experience high-quality teacher and school encouragement and have an academic pathway will have high levels of school satisfaction which will associate with high support for desires, expectations and belief in the possibility of university study" (p.494)
Theoretical frame: Bourdieu: capital
Methodology: Survey of high school students. Two studies: 1) survey data (pre-, post-intervention - (n=257; 58%f).; 2) exploration of past TLC110 students' experiences/ perceptions of differences between 'normal' classes and TLC100 (n=8).
Survey included items on desires, expectations, beliefs, engagement between students and teachers, school satisfaction.
Findings:
Survey results:
University desires, expectations, beliefs = relatively high for both groups
ATAR students = "high school and teacher encouragement increased school satisfaction, which led to higher university desire, belief and expectation" + early belief correlated positively with later belief and early expectations increased later expectations (p.5000). School encouragement negatively associated with perception of possibility of obtaining a university degree (likely because of focus on hard work and good grades)
TLC110 students = teacher but not school encouragement had positive relationship with school satisfaction, but school satisfaction not associated with university beliefs, desires or expectations.
Focus groups: students spoke about sense of welcome, encouragement to contribute and critically engage in ways that were markedly different from school, which they characterized as offering "[a] lack of support and encouragement for their goals which negatively impacted on their ability to engage with their work and put in the sustained effort needed to succeed" (p.501). This increased own expectations of success at university.
Core Argument: Enabling courses in school "goes some way towards ameliorating the within-school and between-school differences" (p.502).
Hypothesis confirmed: "[students who] experience high-quality teacher and school encouragement and have an academic pathway will have high school satisfaction which, in turn, will support high desires, expectations and belief of university study" (p.504)

Context: Dearth of qualitative evidence about benefits that non-traditional graduates accrue from their studies. University for economic advancement and social mobility = generally accepted but the graduate labour market is highly stratified, with greater financial and personal gains accruing to those graduates who come from more affluent backgrounds and who attended prestigious universities, took longer courses, and were more likely to study the traditional and professional subjects that act as a gateway to the established (and well-paid) professions (p.1939). In addition to economic benefits of engaging in higher education (on average), other components of subjective success are also important to factor (e.g. increases in self-confidence, independence and maturity, as well as improved communication skills and understanding of others, Brennan et al., 2010 see p.1940). Literature also attests to the idea that studying is not enough, and that capital acquisition stategies need to extend into extra-curricula/ work placement spaces; however, equity students = less likely to engage in these capital acquisitions strategies during their time at university (Pennington, Mosley, and Sinclair 2013) and have more limited access to the social networks that facilitate decision-making about careers, both of which are powerful drivers in the process of matching graduates to jobs in a highly stratified labour market. (p.1940).
Aim: To focus on a cohort of non-traditional students and their perceptions of the personal and professional benefits they accrued after leaving university (p.1941)
Methodology: Longitudinal qualitative research; returned to field 10 years ago first study. One third (n=15) of participants were willing to be interviewed again (14= female; 12 = FinF; mostly in caring professions). Interviews = reflect on whole experience of university and the impact that their studies had on their subsequent personal and professional lives. Limitations of methodology on p.1942.
Findings:
Did the degree offer labour market advantage?
Most of participants felt they had benefitted; commonly reflected study had been investment in the future. In 2015, 12/15 were working in graduate-level jobs (teacher, social worker, government advisor, family support worker, college lecturer, social care worker, local gov admin assistant, carer, nursery nurse). Reasons for study = desire to work in professions that require degree qualification and financial benefits of career advancement.
Did the degree confer wider benefits?
Participants had continued commitment to learning (10 did continuing professional development; 8 did postgrad studies). Pleasures of learning = repeated theme. Identity changes also identified + changes to ways of thinking.
Also led to increased confidence and self-belief (including friendships) and improved working practices. Some also inspired children to consider/ attend university
Core argument: Attending university confers economic benefits, as well as other subjective benefits, such as increased confidence, ongoing interest in learning and enhanced work practices.

Context: The globalization, commoditization and massification of higher education processes in Latin America which have "fostered important changes in its configuration but have directed university institutions to respond in multiple ways to the demands of the knowledge society, according to uneven national contexts, and their own institutional abilities" (1). These neoliberal higher education processes have also "brought about the fragmentation of higher education systems stemming from their location, size, and especially based on the degree of academic complexity" resulting in differences in academic quality between institutions (1).
Aim: To show that the intersection between gender, social position of origin and asymmetric university spaces, attests to the inequalities in the Higher Education System. "To address the reproduction of inequalities vis a vis gender and education as a multi-dimensional problem" (1); to introduce and test the category asymmetric university spaces as mechanism for the reproduction of inequalities. To analyse two aspects of social inequalities:
(i) based on global, regional and national structural inequalities observed; in the latter, they translate in the local level to what I will call, in this paper, asymmetric university spaces.
(ii) related to individual's gender and social position of origin inequalities, which when intersected with asymmetric university spaces reinforce and propitiate their reproduction and sustainability.
Theoretical frame: Intersectionality theory ("the multidimensionality of experiences undergone by marginalized subjects" Crenshaw 1989) applied to gender, social position of origin and asymmetric university spaces and Yuval-Davis's (2013, 24-25) theorisation that "inequalities have different structural sources that are interwoven, which results in multiple inequality mechanisms" (2). "Equality of positions perspective, where social inequalities are conceived as the distance between social classes within the social structure, which must be as low as possible, even if this decreases the individual's possibilities of social mobility (Bourdieu 1989, 29; Dubet, Durut-Bellat, and Veretout 2010, 11)" (3). Bourdieu's conception of social spaces, where agents and groups of agents are defined by their relative position, as well as by the objective relations imposed on those who enter the field. Positions and relations do not depend on the intentions of individual agents, or on the direct interaction between agents (Bourdieu 1989, 28).
Methodology: The author built two statistical indexes: the first, Asymmetric University Spaces, was used to classify the university institutions studied, based on their level of academic development; the second, Social-School Opportunity, that placed those students surveyed in specific social positions or strata (3). Distributed survey to "students in their last academic year at six universities in Mexico City: three public and three private with high, medium and low levels of academic development, to which I here refer to as asymmetric university spaces. The survey consists of 68 questions, divided into 4 sections: 1. General information on the student and his or her family. 2. Student's school record. 3. Three moments in the student's academic life: i) Election of an institution and the process of enrollment. ii) End of the first year of HE. iii) Last year of HE. 4. Student's employment status. A non-probabilistic sample was designed based on a quota sampling or stratified sampling in which the selection of elements, which make up the strata, are not random (Vivanco 2005, 188)" (3).
Findings: Gender inequalities are observed at the global, regional and national levels, based on comparable databases; the higher Human Development Index is, the more opportunities for access to HE for women and men there are. "Low level family capital impacts women more negatively than men in their real possibilities of enrolling in the university space they choose, and that high educational capital, unlike the case of men, does not allow women to access a better university" (15).
Core argument: Gender inequality in Higher Education (HE) is not an isolated problem for the studied Mexican institutions or for the individuals in them: it is structural at the three levels (social position of origin/individual positionality on different power axes, experiences of gender belonging within the university, and access, promotion and graduation norms for Higher Education institutions) although they appear differently in each one.

Context: Students with disabilities (SWD) in Australian higher education need to disclose to their institution to access a range of 'reasonable adjustments' to support their learning. Nationally, 5.8% of the university population disclose their disability to their institution. Very little is known about the reasons for non-disclosure as this group represents a hidden population in higher education.
Aim: This paper aims to explore the reasons for non-disclosure by SWD so that universities could better plan and develop support for them.
Theoretical framework: Not specified in study.
Methodology: A mixed-methods approach was employed for the study, which was part of a larger project entitled 'Support for student learning: Challenges to learning', which explored the use & perceived importance of institutional supports for students with learning challenges. Data collection method: Survey - a modified and reduced form of the HESA UK classification system (2015) was used for participant self-identification into the groups of: Learning difficulties (HESA codes 51 and 53); Ongoing medical conditions. (HESA code 54); Mental health issues (HESA code 55); and Physical disabilities (HESA code 56, 57, & 58). The options of 'Prefer not to say' and/or 'None of these apply to me' were available within the question. Non-disclosed learning challenge respondents were asked open-ended questions on reasons for non-disclosure. Participants: 3995 responses were obtained for the survey with 2821 enrolled as domestic undergraduates; 13.2% of the domestic undergraduate population. Within this sample, 1234 students self- reported diagnoses/assessments. 994 identified their diagnoses/assessments and learning impact along with their institutional disclosure status. Of the 994, 361 student had disclosed to the institution and 633 had not disclosed to the institution. All 633 non-disclosing students identified their reasons for institutional non-disclosure and 386 completed the open-ended question.
Data analysis: Quantitative data: Analysed using SPSS with frequency counts for reasons for non-disclosure & Pearson's chi-squared tests (Laerd Statistics, 2017). Qualitative data: Descriptive analytical approach was employed to thematise data from open-ended question & identify prominent themes (Patton, 2015).
Findings: Reasons for non-disclosure: A)Closed question: 'I have developed strategies for dealing with my learning challenge' (53.7%), 'I didn't know there was any assistance' (31.9%), 'I do not think the help offered would be of any use to me'(30.0%) (p. 7). Differences in reasons for non-disclosure appear to be attributed to: age, gender, first in family status, Indigenous status and the identified learning challenge groups. B)Open-ended question: 1) Individual responsibility: Acceptance of the learning challenge as an individual responsibility 2)Stigma and fear: Fear that disclosure would results in stigma and embarrassment 3)Institutional process: Perceived usefulness, access and outcomes of support. 4) Student identity: A desire to control how they were perceived at university - students appear to actively construct what they perceived as a 'normal' student identity.
Discussion: Reasons for non-disclosure are complex and can change over time. The data analysis revealed three aspects of non-disclosure and their implications for institutions, which were: non-disclosure decisions were the result of careful reasoning by students; students continually weighed up potential impacts of disclosure throughout their higher education journey; and students had difficulty negotiating the disclosure process.
Implications: 1)HE institutions should acknowledge that non-disclosed students with learning challenges are living with, and managing, their learning challenges alone. 2) Disclosure may not be appropriate for all students: institutions need to respect the right to non-disclosure. 3) Students need to be assured that help seeking for academic progress is normal and that all students should seek help when they need it. 4)Institutions should address students' limited knowledge around accessing help by making information available easily regarding the services & support provided for academic progress (at the point of enrolment, through transition, and throughout their study). 5)Institutions need to have support strategies & training for staff on ways to assist students who choose to disclose 6)Professional development should be provided for teaching and professional staff working with students who may be living with mental health issues in order to address the stigma, both perceived and real.
Core argument: 'Institutions need to understand that they have an invisible group of non-disclosing SWD in their student populations and that, to meet their learning challenges, universities need to support changes to policies, procedures and curriculum design' (abstract).

Context: Higher education study environment and impact on students' emotional experiences + emotional experiences of studying in higher education/ relationships to life satisfaction and study commitment. Article framed against attrition/ retention concerns and students' wellbeing/ mental health, thus warranting a focus on students' emotions and their 'overall affective experiences' in university (thus taking a longer-term view of transitions).
Aim: To examine "whether and how positive and negative emotions at university predict students' general life-satisfaction (an indicator of students' emotional well-being) and study commitment (a precondition of student retention), as well as how these emotions are affected by specific conditions of the university environment" (p.2). Three hypotheses outlined:
1) positive relationship between "need-supporting study conditions and positive emotions" and vice versa
2) positive association between positive emotions at university and general life-satisfaction and study commitment and vice versa
3) partial mediation model = better fit for the data (p.5-6).
Theoretical frame: Self-determination theory (Deci & Ryan, 2002) - people have three psychological needs: autonomy, competence and relatedness, which relies on environment-person fit; view of emotions based on appraisal-theoretical approach (Ellsworth & Scherer, 2003).
Methodology: Survey of German pre-service teachers (n=792).
Findings: Three hypotheses = largely confirmed. Study environment impacts on students' autonomy, competence and relatedness.
Strong relationship between positive emotions and study commitment.
The need for autonomy: "when students viewed the study material as relevant to their future (occupational) life, they reported many positive emotions" and can "be fostered when students have opportunities to actively participate in class and feel that their opinions are appreciated and taken seriously" (p.11). Their choice of degree (teaching) may be significant.
The need for competence: positive emotions related to perceptions of transparency and fairness with assessment, thus "grading practices can be regarded as a key factor influencing students' emotions" (p.12). High achievement pressure correlates with enhanced study commitment.
The need for relatedness: relationships with peers = more significant/ impactful on affective dimension than relationships with teachers.
Overall, women = more likely to report positive emotions/ higher life-satisfaction
Core argument: This study's "results provide evidence of the relevance of need-supportive study conditions for students' positive and negative emotions at university, as they can have a significant effect on general life-satisfaction and study commitment" (p.14).

Context: In Spain, the right to HE for students with disabilities has been recognised by legislation. For HE, Constitutional Law 4/2007 for universities specifically mentions the inclusion of people with disabilities, establishing guaranteed equal opportunity and no discrimination. Nevertheless, authors such as Oliver and Barnes (2010) have questioned the policies and practices of university systems, which, in many cases have inaccessible curricula, negative attitudes and physical barriers.
Aim: To investigate the barriers and aids that university students with disabilities identify with regards to access, career and results at the university.
Theoretical frame: Social disability model
Methodology: Multidisciplinary study (educational sciences, economics, health sciences and experimental sciences), part of an extensive research project financed by Spain's Ministry of Education and Competition, titled 'Barriers and aid that students with disabilities identify at the University' (ref. EDU 2010-16264). Participants: All participants were students with some type of disability (aged between 19 - 59 years old); 22 men & 22 women; 38% of the students had a physical disability, 15% psychological, 36% sensory disability and 11% had difficulties associated with some type of organic problem (asthma, degenerative diseases, etc.). The research project was conducted in three phases, with a biographical-narrative methodology. Phase 1: Focus groups and individual interviews (oral & written). Participants: (n=44). Phase 2: Micro-life histories focused on university career. Participants: University students (n=16) who participated in Phase 1. Data collection instruments: Life-lines, focus interviews, self-reporting. Phase 3: Application of a biographical-narrative methodology to provide in-depth life histories & polyphony of voices. Participants: 8 of 16 students who drafted their micro-life histories in Phase 2. Data collection instruments: in-depth interviews, photographs, interviews with key people in each student's lives, observations. Data analysis: 1) Narrative analysis (Goodley et al., 2004): To draft each history 2)Structural analysis (Riessman, 2008): To conduct a comparative analysis of all information collected.
Findings: Architectural barriers & infrastructures: (1) Urban barriers: Streets and public spaces outside the university (2) Transportation barriers: Public transportation, personal vehicles (3) Building barriers: Inside university buildings and spaces ( limited number of ramps, narrow doors which hinders wheelchair access, lack of lifts in libraries) (4) Environmental barriers: Furniture, environmental conditions (light, temperature) (5) Communication barriers: Signposting, access to information (public address system, bulletin
boards, non-adapted computers, PowerPoint, visual surroundings).
Recommendations: 1) common spaces at universities need to be more accessible, with signage, ramps, wide doors and toilets, anti-slip strips and adapted lifts. 2) classrooms must be designed without steps, and have spaces reserved in the front rows for students with disabilities, with adequate audibility and visibility and where there are new technological facilities.
Core argument: The obstacles that university students face are structural barriers rather than personal or individual barriers, as recognised by the social disability model. The findings therefore highlight that the university centres studied still require a certain degree of adaptation and readjustments to make them fully accessible for and usable by all students. Future university policies should earmark part of their budgets for complying with legislation on disability, and therefore, on architectural barriers existing in the various colleges; while specific legislation and accessibility plans should be developed in urban environments to achieve 'full inclusion' (p. 8).

Context: Emotional displays/ teacher-student relationship in context of internationalising higher education. Cross-country study of Australian and German higher education teachers.
Literature review: emotional displays are broadly considered to be a part of authentic teaching in HE, but in a 'controlled' way, also fulfils part of "establishing genuine and caring relationships with students" (ref to Yuu, 2010) and good for teachers' health (ref to Zhang & Zhu, 2008). Also, authors note the 'emotional labour' argument (Hochschild, 1983) - connections between expectations/ emotional 'rules' of a job and individual indentity/ies. Emotional labour emerges from moral elements of teaching, pastoral care, role modeling.. Authors note how teacher-student relationships are impacted by larger class sizes, increasing turn to online modes). Authors' previous work (2015) suggests that closeness of relationship correlates with teachers' emotions (esp. joy). Cultural conceptions of emotions (relating to 'display rules') differ according to whether the cultural context is broadly collectivist or individualistic. Research suggests that people from individualistic countries strive for heightened emotions (e.g. excitement), while people from collectivist countries seek lower positive emotions (calm)
Aim: To "investigate the interplay of emotion display and the quality of the teacher-student relationship from a teachers' perspective and across "cultural-educational" contexts" and to examine "how university teachers in two so-called "individualistic" countries with different educational systems displayed positive and negative emotions in their teaching and what they perceived as an ideal teacher-student relationship" (abstract). To respond to 4 RQs:
"a) What do German and Australian teacher educators perceive as appropriate emotion display in terms of positive and negative emotions when teaching and interacting with their students? What are similarities and differences in their perceptions?
b) How do German and Australian teacher educators construe the quality of the TSR, and the "ideal TSR"? What are similarities and differences in their views?
c) How do German and Australian teacher educators' modes of emotion display and views of the quality of the TSR quality interrelate?
d) How do particular background variables (e.g. position at university, background as a school teacher) contribute to explain the mode of emotion display and views of the quality of the TSR among Australian and German teacher educators?" (p.48)
Theoretical frame: Psychological, educational, cross-cultural
Methodology: Interviews with higher education teachers in Australia (n=15) and Germany (n=9) - details on cohort on p.49. Interviews based on: "(1) emotions when teaching; (2) emotion regulation (internal regulation and emotion display) and (3) the TSR at university" (p.50). Article focuses on topics 2 and 3. Leading question for topic 2 = ""Do you show and express your feelings while teaching and interacting with students or do you also hide them sometimes?" and leading prompt for topic 3 = describe the "ideal" TSR at university from their perspective (p.50). Analysis = qualitative content analysis.
Findings: Modes of emotional display: "expressing positive emotions was widely regarded as appropriate and
relevant (e.g., in terms of fostering students motivation) in both cultural-educational contexts. However, the
actual mode of expression differed somewhat across contexts" (p.55). Most participants stressed concern with display of negative emotions more than positive emotions. Positive emotions = shared easily (more so by Australian participants than Germans). Australian participants used more emotive language suggesting positive emotions, such as "being thrilled about" or "getting very excited in the classroom" (see p.54). In German context = emotions are typically reflected in feedback, and in less emphatic terms.
Modes of negative emotion display: focus on annoyance and anger. Both groups agreed that anger should be controlled. Most Australians viewed the display of negative emotions as unfavourable (should be suppressed for professional/ role modeling reasons) so expressions of anger or dismay are usually done in private. In contrast Germans = "less reluctant in expressing their anger directly to students" (p.55), and tend to respond to challenging situations with students by "starting an argumentative and sometimes provocative discussion in class" (p.56). Authors note cultural differences in terms of expectations and reactions to anger/frustration.
Quality of teacher-student relationship: both groups viewed TSR as professional with boundaries, but with room 'to personalise' the relationship (p.59). Level of formality different between the two cultural contexts: Germans considered themselves instigators, moderators, generators of ideas, meaning mutual appreciation and respect = important parts of TSR. Australians emphasized mutual respect and appreciation for good TSR, but in more informal ways ('closeness') - such as calling lecturers by first name, open-door policies, exchange personal information to facilitate approachability, so that "the system more generally appeared to contribute to
the explicit caring attitude of teacher educators in Australia" (p.61) - but this also creates friction when trying to maintain academic standards.
Emphasis on TSR correlates with high positive emotions/ less negative emotions
Cultural background = important for teachers' emotional display. Australians more likely to privilege interpersonal; Germans more likely to privilege the professionals.
'Closer' relationship = more likely to report love of teaching/ dedication to teaching. Authors posit that more caring approach in Australia may be related to higher likelihood of having low SES students in class, but it may also be related to cultural practices and levels of formality.
Core argument:
- "Insight into university teachers' perceptions of the characteristics of quality TSR and appropriate emotion display is essential in the context of the fast developing internationalization of higher education.
- This study revealed major qualitative differences in the display of positive and negative emotions in two distinct cultural-educational contexts.
- The study also unveiled differences across cultural-educational contexts in the importance given by teachers to keeping professional and formal working relationship with students or alternatively showing informality and caring in the interpersonal TSR.
- International scholars and teachers, like mobility students, need support to adapt to unfamiliar cultural-educational environments" (p.69-70).

Context: Explores challenges for 1st year sfrb in USQ. Notes migration patterns to Toowoomba, and the proportion of young people in the refugee settlement figures (91.7% under age of 45). Directly speaks to issues of racism and discrimination (see p.173). Outlines the available pathways into USQ (including EAP courses) and forms of support available (for example, Social Justice grant used to buy laptops = but not refugee-specific)
Aim: To investigate "the nature of transitional experiences of first year domestic CALD students from refugee backgrounds at the University of Southern Queensland (USQ), Australia" (p.173)
Theoretical frame:
Methodology: Qualitative case study: open-ended interview/ focus groups with CALD students, and key staff (teachers, administrators and senior staff). Students recruited via 'purposeful sampling' with staff + snowball recruitment. Students identified on basis of uni data - not clear how they were located.
Findings: Challenges identified in student interviews = coded into 7 themes: language, socio-cultural issues, understanding a new learning and teaching environment, technology, family and health matters and limited staff awareness. Themes discussed in relation to specific challenges of regional Australia/university.
Language: nothing new here. Language = difficult to understand in class; impeded social connections; needed help with academic writing; students found it difficult to use online services/supports. Reports that staff questioned how "fundamental academic English language deficits" should be caught by admissions procedures.
Sociocultural factors: difficult to make and maintain connections with staff and other students [authors seem to attribute this to regional students being less multicultural??]. Staff noted issues [assimilating] to institutional/ HE culture
Technology: problematic adaptations; assumptions about access to IT [no clear point of difference here for students in regional universities]
Family/ health issues: [nothing new here]
Lack of staff awareness: inadequate cross-cultural training; lack of capacity to identify sfrb

Context: Discusses/ analyses/ "diagnoses the potential of potential" - the use of term 'potential' in educational policy as a set of promises that set out individuals' futures, employment and social mobility (and national productivity/ economy) for people who 'invest' in higher education. Examines equity policy in Australia and UK (and OECD) and examines how potential brings equity and economic purposes together in policy.
Aim: To analyse how 'potential' functions in policy and how it implies a relationship between talent, aspiration and opportunity and a distribution of responsibility between governments and citizens.
Theoretical frame: Deleuze - actual/virtual; reality of virtual = structure (see p.204); "The virtual is real but not yet actual, while the possible is actual but not yet real" (p.205). Also, draws on Raco's (2009) 'opportunity bargain'; Berlant's (2011) 'cruel optimism'
Methodology: Engages in analysis of how "potential operates at the centre of rhetorical strategies in policy texts" (p.203)
Discussion: Opportunity bargain = "new market state social contract, 'a politics of aspiration'" (p.202) - aims to produce optimism about advantages of education; optimism = affective dimension of aspiration
Concept of potential: indicates one of three states: "the presence of talent without aspiration or opportunity; talent and aspiration without opportunity; or talent and opportunity without aspiration. Thus, talent is constructed as essential to potential, while aspiration and opportunity are framed as sites of intervention to enable its realisation" (p.204) - thus constructing meritocratic view/approach to education. Draws on UK gov't (BIS 2010:2) people become what they can be. Draws attention to use of 'can' = ability and possibility (or inability or lack of possibility = wasted potential) - constructs potential as individual attribute ("essential quality", p.204). Draws on Deleuze's actual/virtual binary to conceptualise potential weak potential (possibility) and strong potential (virtuality). The polysemous nature of potential means that it "multiple possible connotations resonate in any particular reference to 'potential' (p.206), while always holding semiotic potential to connect to future (feelings about possible) change = 'performative potential' = key word of policy (see Gee & Lankshear, 1995).
Sellar's analysis of policy illustrates potential as rhetorically linked to national-economic, institutional and individual (p.208) - see Transform Australia's Future (2009)/ OECD (2007). Wasted potential = wasted lives (Bauman, 2004). Equity has come to be understood "as a matter of providing talent with opportunity and 'raising aspirations' for these opportunities" (p.209) = social investment in equity = economic investment in human capital. Wasted potential (optimism, persistence, aspiration = "key sites of social control. The potential of 'potential' to slip between different meanings and to attract the investments of multiple audiences, for whom it may connote very different promises about the future, is one example of how policy works to modulate flows of desire and belief" (p.209). Aspiration = a site of government intervention but has produced a new social contract: governments have to take responsibility to "remove obstacles to aspiration" and "enter into an opportunity bargain with citizens" - they have to both provide educational opportunities and also encourage people to pursue opportunities.
Cruel optimism: Higher education has become an 'opportunity trap' due to four conditions: credential inflation, high quality products/ low costs are not mutually exclusive (?), knowledge work no longer requires knowledge workers and with many people holding same level of qualifications, top global firms look to recruit 'talent', opening up gaps in the rewards paid (and with "the supply of aspirants outweigh[ing] the supply" (p.212), it means the promise of a good life for hard work and investment in education is broken (see Brown et al. 2011). "...optimism may become cruel when the realities of educational competition, changing labour markets and technological developments do not match the utopias of knowledge capitalism foretold in education policy"... "Potentiality itself becomes a trap" (p.213).
Core argument:

Context: Explores enabling programs in context of rural Australia/ mature age people wanting new career/ better lifestyle (but are strongly tied to community/family). Reports on longitudinal = impact of enabling education on rural mature-age people (further study/ employment). Benefits extend beyond individual [see ripple effect] = impact on family/ increase local skills base/ increased awareness of higher education in community. "University enabling programs are a key, but largely under-researched, strategy to facilitate the transition to further study for under-represented or non-traditional learners, including those from rural and remote areas" (p.71)
Aim: The study explores the medium to longer term outcomes of participation in UPP for Cradle Coast students. The research focused on the areas of study, employment and geographic mobility.
Looks at role of enabling programs in assisting rural mature aged people who seeking to reskill or upskill. Many rural people seek to gain access to HE but for various reasons are unable or unwilling to leave their communities to under further study. Many don't have the educational background or navigational capacity to access and meaningfully participate in HE. The paper focuses on a study undertaken in North Western and Western Tasmania (the Cradle Coast) and looks at the impact of the UTAS University Preparation Program in the region. The Cradle Coast region has higher than average unemployment rates, low levels of formal educational achievement. The UPP aims to provide access to HE for mature-aged people in order to address the low levels of educational achievement in the area. Stated aim: "to explore the medium to longer-term outcomes of participation in UPP for Cradle Coast students, in terms of study, employment and geographic mobility" (p.74)
Methodology: 'Longitudinal perspective' 'an explanatory sequential mixed methods approach' (Cresswell, 2014) study of UPP, meaning that surveys were conducted and follow-up interviews undertaken to illuminate quantitative data with ex-UPP students who had completed at least one UPP unit. 56 surveys completed (11.5% response rate) + 25 interviews + interviews with former coordinator of UPP/ campus manager. Participants = 71% female, mostly 30-49 years old, half = low SES, 59% = FiF, 82% still living in Cradle Coast area. Participants were past UPP completers from 1996-2007. 56 surveys were completed and 25 interviews took place. The former UPP coordinator and program manager were also interviewed. The study was limited in that it was based on self-selecting participants who were successful completers. The study did not include the views of those who did not complete. The difficulty in showing causality for employment shifts was also noted. Other factors may have influenced changes in career, not just completion of the UPP.
Findings: Enabling programs are a key strategy in assisting the transition to HE for people from rural and remote areas. Enabling programs such as the UPP facilitate social inclusion, increased independence for students in rural areas. They also contribute to the economies in rural areas. Most participants indicated that undertaking the UPP was positive because of the accessibility of the course and the supportive environment. Participants indicated that the UPP enabled increases in individual capacity in 3 main areas: foundations for change, increased confidence and availability of new opportunities. The UPP was described as a catalyst for change. 88% of participants went on to further study after the UPP and completion rates were high (77%).
57% = enrolled in UPP to prepare for undergraduate study
23% = personal development
Themes = resilience, strong sense of purpose, commitment to further study. UPP = personal challenge/ challenge to gender/family roles.
Participation built individual capacity= foundations for change, confidence, new opportunities
88% = continued with further study post-UPP, mostly UG at UTAS. 77% completed their courses (most = Education, second Society & Culture, third Management & Commerce).
Students who took 5+ UPP units significantly more likely to continue with further study (72% = UG, 28% = Honours, Masters, PhD).
UPP = perceived to have helped 54% to get job/ better job
Core Argument: Looks at impact of enabling in rural communities and the effect of widening participation initiatives in these communities. "Enabling programs are a powerful but under-valued tool in helping to unlock and harness the potential within rural communities, both in the medium and longer term" (abstract)

Context: Employability has been defined in different ways in different streams of literature, with overlapping dimensions.
Aim: To investigate more integrated approaches to employability, combining employability research in higher education and in workplace learning.
Theoretical frame:
Methodology: The authors analyse various streams of literature, and: (1) present insights into definitions of employability based on competence-based approaches, and integrated overviews of conceptual frameworks of employability, and (2) discuss the similarities and differences between the different streams of literature. Through this comparison, the authors present an integrated overview of employability.
Findings: The authors suggest/argue five dimensions are associated with leading conceptualisations of employability in workplace learning literature: (1) human capital, (2) reflection on self and organisation, (3), lifelong learning and (active and passive) flexibility, (4), social capital, and (5) healthy work-life balance. They found similarities and overlaps in the two streams. For example human capital overlapped with (Applying) disciplinary knowledge and Transferable generic skills in higher education literature.
Core argument: The authors argue that, Given their close ties and complementarity, future research in either context should include a broader definition of employability, taking into consideration the concept dimensions from both contexts (p.14).

Context: Australia. Transnational migration/ forced migration = "unsettling the literature on widening access to university education" (abstract), whereby equity/ WP assume stable/ domestic populations
Aims: To explore "how institutions, such as universities, understand the concept of equity and how their practices involve boundarying processes that determine the membership categories for inclusion and exclusion in such policies" (p.2) through the lens on people seeking asylum; to consider "how one university applied its equity frames to a new target group by opening up access to its scholarship programmes to people seeking asylum" (p.2). RQs:
1. What processes and procedures do Australian universities have in place to admit RPSA applicants?
2. How are RPSA' s prior educational qualifi cations and experiences assessed in Australian universities?
3. How are the positions of people from asylum seeker backgrounds recognised and understood in Australian universities' equity policies? (p.3)
Theoretical frame: Organisational theory/ Scott's 3 pillars of neo-institutional framework (regulative, normative, cultural-cognitive) - see p.6-7.
Methodology: Qualitative, narrative case-study of admissions practices in one Australian university. Data collected via semi-structured interviews with four admissions/ equity practitioners (questions based on regulative, normative, cultural-cognitive pillars), and three prospective PSA students (based on experiences of trying to access higher education). Discussion of specific university context on p.8.
Findings: Interviews with staff confirmed that government policy drove university context and practices. The regulatory pillar = public funding determining who teaching and learning funds can be spent on. Staff participants "recognised that the juxtaposition of asylum seekers with the education of international students who are regarded as the third biggest Australian export industry" (p.9), which contradicted the equity messaging of the university (the normative pillar), and the cognitive-cultural recognition of the staff interviewed that PSA are highly vulnerable.
In addition to the constraints at the regulatory level, authors note tensions for students at the middle level. Admissions process based on procedure developed for domestic students. Regulatory framework for admissions required visa and English language evidence. Initially only 2 scholarships were created, but ultimately 21 people were offered scholarships: "The awarding of 11 scholarships when initially only 2 were advertised alerted the researchers to the way that practices and policies were evolving through staff workarounds and reflections on their experiences. Some understanding of these shifts in behaviour was revealed in the comments staff made about the cultural norms that affected their practices" (p.11).
'Working around': "Staff committed to supporting RPSA students were able to forge alliances with others and ' workaround' the regulatory pillars because they could recognise connections between people's cultural-cognitive experiences and beliefs and the organisational narrative of the university as an equity-focused institution" (p.14).

Context: Young people's decision-making about post-school futures/ higher education.
Theoretical frame: Habitus, cultural capital and field (Bourdieu). Author scopes critique of habitus (lack of definition; difficulty of cleaving from capital - scant examples of 'practical application'). Author argues that habitus = relational concept: "Habitus is exposed through their attempts to understand the informal, unspoken rules of the new environment" and "In working with habitus alongside cultural capital, we can see too how individuals' position in the field is understood dynamically through the matrices of time and space" (p.277).
Methodology: Longitudinal tracking methodology (two schools in UK: to independent from state sixth form) of 12 students, from starting A-levels to making decisions about post-school futures/ higher education. Article focuses on narratives of 3 participants. Used Wengraf's (2006) biographic narrative technique - use of single question to elicit narrative response - participants interviewed in autumn (first) and summer (last) terms of first year of A-levels and again in second year
Findings: Reasons for doing A-levels = fear of being left behind by friends; for instances, Pam followed friend to independent sixth form which challenged her self-perception (as a bad student) and opened her mind to possibilities/ aspirations for higher education. Pam and Louise also demonstrated some resistance to the class-coded behaviours/ rules of the independent sixth form. Emotional transition for Pam = moving to new school and trying to maintain friendships with old friends who saw the new school as snobbish. She described a feeling of being pulled in two directions: "For Pam, a successful transition is understood in terms of the reconciliation of past and present friendship networks" (p.280). Louise = felt less keenly that she had to maintain old friendships and saw 'no way back' to her old life. Stephen = more emotionally/ socially detached from the transition. Initially he was preoccupied with the academic challenges of his studies/ chosen subjects. Later he develops a space to 'be himself'/ engage in banter/ perform his preferred identity/ies (in contrast with last school where he was bullied) = creation of new educational subjectivities.
Relational elements played out in cultural arena - school privileged extra-curricula activities such as music or sport: "Class is embedded and implicit in the assumptions made about students' ability to give time
to musical and sporting pursuits" (p.282) - not engaging in paid work. Pam resisted this and kept her weekend job; "However, it would be wrong to see Pam's habitus as impermeable and unyielding to the time spent in the school. Her exposure to this place, its students and its doxa add a further layer to her habitus, with the potential for its effects to emerge over time" (p.282). Stephen, in contrast, = more frustrated about his positioning against others' talents
Core argument: Decision-making = classed practice; "individual habitus responds in harmony or discord with the field" (p.283). Change can come when there is a lack of 'fit' between an individual's habitus and the field