Higher Education Equity Literature Database

Context: Discusses diversity in context of widening participation; as being incorporated into discourse of social inclusion and problematises the conflation of diversity and equality as "potentially obscur[ing] some structural elements of the contemporary university system" (p.229). Explores CALD social work students' experiences of teaching and learning and placement/maps views of their course. Notes the stratification of higher education - distribution of research/ ATARs. Also individualism = feature of Western cultural imperialism that is prevalent in HE which can lead to lack of engagement (requirement for independent learning - see Leatherwood 2006) and a sense of isolation. Discusses language and writing - notes that traditional views hold that 'good writing and academic skills' should be in place prior to entering but also highlights how some students "especially women and those from more communitarian cultures, independence must be newly acquired, potentially in negation of their cultural identities" (p.232). Argues that wealthier universities are able to provide more resource-intensive support [but do they??] and that generic skills sessions are problematic. Discusses how intercultural learning = alternative to traditional pedagogy (e.g. small multicultural group learning) - but example offered (Ippolito 2007) was outside of mainstream curriculum and stood in competition/ eroded commitment.
Aim: "to examine the experiences of CALD and international students undertaking the undergraduate degree in social work"; RQs: 1) To explore the students experience of the social work course and its different aspects; (2) To explore what changes they might make to the teaching and learning strategies and the curricula generally to make it more culturally appropriate. (p.233)
Methodology: Qualitative inquiry: 9 x 3rd/4th year Social Work CALD students at VU (5 m/ 4 f; 3 = 3rd year/ 6 = 4th year). Students from Somalia, China, Malaysia, Egypt, Sudan, Ethiopia, Columbia, Vietnam. All sfrb except Chinese student. Each student = 1.5-2hr interview.
Social Work faculty at VU work with Student Learning Unit and share similar values ("that language and discourse are socially constructed and hold power that can serve to exclude and disempowers individuals and groups of individuals", p.232). NESB = 60% of student body - many are mature age and did not attend school in Australia.
Findings: Many participants reported that they had been afraid to speak earlier in course; "Other barriers mentioned by participants include a lack of familiarity with local knowledge and values, a lack of grounding in Western conceptual frameworks and unfamiliarity with academic discourse" (p.234). Despite all meeting English Language proficiency requirements, students reported that they had difficulties with English used in lectures, readings, assessment requirements. Participants were aware/critical of western paradigm. Participants found local concepts/ metaphors difficult to understand/ relate to. Some participants felt lecturers did not have sufficient language/cultural knowledge to help them; participants felt that university required new ways of learning/ being/ knowing, that lecturers weren't available outside of teaching hours, that it was difficult to access learning support.
Core argument: This research "indicates that traditional, individualistic teaching and learning pedagogy taught exclusively through the lens of a Western paradigm could further disadvantage CALD students' progress through their undergraduate studies" (p.240).
"An examination of curriculum could expose the expectations that CALD students adjust to and adopt the discourse of dominant culture. It could also challenge curriculum designers and lecturers to integrate CALD
perspectives and experiences in curriculum thus providing alternative voices in the understanding and application of theories and practice" (p.240).

Context: Discusses UniSA's enabling programs: Foundation Studies (est. 2006) and UniSA-PAL (partnership with SA DECS) and the performance in undergrad of students of these programs. Compares this performance with traditional-pathway students, i.e., those who have entered via TER (Tertiary Entrance Rank) or STAT (Special Tertiary Admissions Test). Also looks forward to plans for enabling programs in the 'post-Bradley era of widening participation'. (p. 1)
Aim: To demonstrate the benefits of Foundation Studies for students by comparing enabling student performance with non-enabling student performance in undergraduate study.
Methodology: Comparison of 'success' rates (GPAs) of Foundation Studies and other pathway students in undergraduate programs.
Conclusions: Those admitted via enabling programs have a higher mean GPA (4.90) than those admitted by other methods (4.74). Those admitted via STAT have considerably lower GPAs (3.8) 'suggesting that the enabling programs have an important role to play in preparing adult entrants for university.' (p. 9). Retention rates for enabling pathways students in undergrad is also higher (90%).
Core Argument: Describes core courses as 'a deliberate focus on the development of generic academic and study skills that also anticipate the graduate qualities that the University seeks as outcomes for its undergraduates.' (p. 4). Discussion of possible reasons for attrition (p. 8). Offers a loose definition for 'enabling education' (p. 11). Mentions the importance of getting student support right in enabling programs (p. 11).

Context: Explores transitions into higher education in Australia, based in part of argument by McInnis (2001) that states that a 'sizeable minority' struggle to acclimatise to higher education study - connection made to students being 'inadequately prepared' for university/ the 'falling standards' argument - impact on attrition and funding made explicit. Notes American literature that links challenges with transition to low income/ ethnic minority students (also makes contrast with Russian study). Scopes Australian literature (particularly FYE literature) and transition strategies. Notes how University of Adelaide surveyed commencing students in 2007 to examine expectations - this paper draws on this by following up two of the student groups.
Aim: To investigate "the extent to which these first year students' expectations were met and considered their responses alongside their teachers' views, with particular focus on feedback" (p.159) - to "gain a
deeper understanding of the relationship between the expectations of students entering university, the experience of first year students, and their teachers' perceptions" (p.160) and to compare Science and Humanities students.
Theoretical frame: None explicit
Methodology: Quantitative/ survey design. Two groups of students asked to retake survey in Y1S2 or Y2 (allowing separation of experience and reflection on experience); Year 1 tutors from multiple disciplines also asked to take survey. Surveys= likert scales (see p.161-2 for detail on survey instruments). Participants =
"111 first year Humanities (French and History) students
- 122 first year Science (Biology and Geology) students
- 86 second year Humanities (Classics, French, German, History, Media and Politics) students
- 103 second year Science (Biology and Physics) students
- 11 teachers of first year Humanities (Classics, French, German, History and Media)
- 17 teachers of first year Science (Biology, Chemistry, Geology and Physics)" (p.163)
Findings:
90% students expected university to be different from school
Almost all participants (students and teachers) agreed/strongly agreed that studying at uni = different from high school
Students had big differences in expectations of / realities of workload, assessment and feedback.
89% Science students expected ready access to teachers (largely un-met) - similar patterns with Humanities
94% Science teachers ranked themselves as available; 64% Humanities teachers thought they were available
Both Y1 groups thought = important to attend lectures [see contrast with findings in Keane, 2011)
Students generally perceived collaborative learning (working with other students) as good for learning
Both groups = perceived they learnt more from enthusiastic teachers
Both groups expressed preference for images and diagrams
More humanities students likely to seek extra information (70-75% compared to 50-60% Science students)
Humanities students in general chose/stuck with course because of creativity, while Science = due to work prospects.
Mismatch between teachers' expectations of/ students' realities regarding outside commitments (ie. Teachers underestimated students' outside commitments)
Big mismatches regarding feedback - commencing students had high expectations of good feedback on drafts - none of these expectations met for Humanities students and only 22% of Science students (7% in Yr1; 26% in Y2)
20% of Humanities students reported getting feedback compared with 0% of teachers saying they provided such feedback on drafts
97% of commencing expected feedback on submitted work: 66% agreement with Humanities/ 37% with Science students
100% Humanities teachers said they gave such feedback/ 59% of Science teachers agreed.
Discrepancies also in expectations of time taken to return work
Core argument: Feedback = significant issue where there is mismatch between expectations and realities for students and perceptions between students and teachers. Expectations and realities relating to outside commitments between students and teachers = also significant. Authors argue for "more proactive and earlier interventionist strategies" to facilitate students' transitions (p.170)

Context: Looks at PGCW and transition - pointing out the lack of FYHE focus for PGCW students, particularly "foundational skills for academic success" (abstract). Study located at USQ - faculty in Business and Law had recognised need for more support for PGCW students (particularly locating and evaluating "reputable information sources" (p.142). Critique of generic study skills courses. Some discussion of affective domain (p.143-4). Review of transition/ PG notes that PhD/ international students have been primary subject of transition research (after UG students). Literature reports that students view themselves holistically (not compartmentalising their experiences/emotions). Cites Symons (2001) - The Glasgow Study - of PGCW students which noted that PGCW students experience difficulty understanding expectations (and academics assume PGCW students know what is expected on basis of PG study and rarely ask for help). "This suggests that support for coursework postgraduate students (just as it is for undergraduate students) needs to be asynchronous, just-in-time and situated within the immediate discipline context" (p.144).
Aim: "to establish whether evidence of cohort differences existed between undergraduate and post-graduate coursework students in relation to their information seeking behaviour and confidence levels for assignment work" (p.146).
Hypotheses: 1) students (UG & PG) will rely on OER rather than subscription sources; 2) students (UG & PG) will lack confidence in ability to locate and evaluate academic information; 3) students (UG & PG) will lack confidence in ability to collate information found; 4) role of librarian to be considered more highly by PG rather than UG students
Methodology: 3 year study - survey students to improve information literacy skills development classes within the disciplines based on 3 information literacy models: behavioural, process and communication (see Sundin, 2008). Students surveyed as part of class - 352 students responded over the 3 years (216 UG, 126 PG students). Survey administered by Keypad Clickers = 8 questions (likert scale)
Findings: Discussion of use of Google/Wikipedia (p.146). Only two aspects = statistically significant difference: UG students more likely to use Wikipedia and PG students more likely to seek help from librarian. All students overwhelmingly prefer Google as first place to seek help
Relevance to PGCW/ equity: Discusses how some students enter an MBA via RPL rather than UG study and so the MBA is their first experience of university. With little statistical difference between UG and PGCW cohorts, ideas about FYHE need to be reconsidered (p.148)
Pedagogical intervention suggested? Librarian-focused so no pedagogical discussion. Authors argue against bolt-on information literacy sessions and for embedded in courses
Points to future research agenda? Not really

Context: Examines importance of cultural capital in FinF enabling students' experiences (regional university, Australia). 50% of students in enabling course had previously been found to have not completed secondary school (Whannell, Whannell & Lynch, 2010)
Theoretical frame: Bourdieu's notion of cultural capital (aka lack of for FinF students)
Methodology: Quantitative: custom survey completed by 294 (47% of total cohort) students at two different points in the semester (week 3 and week 12), and from two different cohorts (S2, 2010; S1, 2011). Students = 32%m, 68% f with mean age of 28.4. Used Principle Components Analysis. Just under 50% = FinF; 53.2% had completed Year 12; 26.4% had completed Year 10
Findings:
Week 3: No significant difference in previous educational achievement by FinF or non-FinF; hours in class, classes missed = no significant difference
Week 12: No significant difference in results of final assignment
Overall: FinF students received less support from families consistently throughout program
Lower level of self-efficacy in FinF/ non-school completing students (week 3) resolved by week 12
No significant differences in achievement or attrition found (FinF/ secondary school completers)
Core argument: "the bridging program facilitated substantial improvements in academic efficacy through the social and academic support provided which bridged the gap between students of different cultural capital" (abstract)

Context: Looks at working-class participation in UK higher education (approx. 25%) in context of concerns about WP and student retention/ attrition - high drop out with high levels of WP and polarisation of institutions according to WP/ class (16% of RG enrolments = 3 lowest social classes) - only 1% of less affluent submissions = accepted by top 13 universities (Sutton Trust, 2007). Key focus of ESRC-funded research reported = social class as marker of identity (also gender and ethnicity intersect). See Crozier et al., 2008 for other report on same project.
Aim: Research study conducted to: "find out whether these students strive to change and conform to the institutional milieu or to reproduce their identities in an act of resistance, or whether they merely seek validation for who they are; to discern to what extent they fit in or stand out" (p.110)
Theoretical frame: Bourdieu: institutional habitus (described as "a dynamic concept, a rich interlacing of past and present, individual and collective", p.108) - academic status of university = important part of its habitus (and 'expressive order' = cultural capital - see Reay et al., 2005) and field.
Methodology: Analytic category of class based on national statistics (social economic classifications) and parents' educational profiles/ first in family. Research = mixed methods in 4 universities (elite = Southern, civic = Midland, FE college = Eastern, and post-1992 = Northern). Looked at limited range of subjects (see p.110). Questionnaire distributed to Year 1 & 2 students for collecting demographic data (n=1209). Used survey data to identify working-class students for follow up case studies. 27 students followed over a year (over 2 academic years) and interviewed students at 'key decision-making moments'. In total, 97 face-to-face interviews conducted - focusing on perceptions of self and changes over time. Observations of lectures and seminars also conducted "in order to gain a better understanding of both institutional habitus and the students' learning dispositions" (p.110)
Findings: Working class students = patterns and differences across 27 students according to factors such as mature student, different academic levels, poor financial circumstances, career ideas.
Institutional habitus - the 4 HEIs = very different. Largest % of working-class students in Northern, although FE college doesn't record these statistics (but 50% of questionnaire respondents at Eastern= working class). All 4 "have identifiable institutional habituses in which their organisational culture and ethos is linked to wider socio-economic and educational cultures through processes in which universities and the different student constituencies they recruit mutually shape and reshape each other" (p.111).
- Eastern = students lack access to normal uni resources, although they can share with local uni but many students do not because of time/ location. Nearly all students live at home, with that being a key driver for choosing Eastern.
- Northern = economically deprived urban area - students either live at home or off-campus; nearly all work part-time. Academics perceive most students as working class but statistics suggest = 40%. Lectures = not compulsory and no formal tutor time. Many students = low levels of commitment.
- "At both Eastern and Northern the congruence between individual and institutional habitus often lulls working-class students into a sense of security and symmetry, providing a comfort zone where the working-class students feel they are accepted" (p.112)
- Midland = very different from Eastern and Northern. Most students live in halls, it has more resources, less than half work part-time. Better sense of students intergrated into university life; students "described a wide spectrum of learners ranging from the hardworking and committed to those operating in more instrumental ways" (p.113), particularly related to first year assignments not counting to overall degree classification. 47% live on campus
- Southern = [Oxbridge??] "intensive, highly academic teaching and learning supported by regular one-to-one or one-to-two supervisions and tutorials where the expectation is that students make substantial contributions and are challenged and questioned by both their peers and teachers" (p.113) - all students considered 'studious' (contrast to range of subjectivities in Midland). 82% live on campus
Influence on students: strongest impact = where students live (at home/ on campus). Intellectual challenge rated differently (77% = high at Southern; 27% = high at Northern); similar wide disparity in perceptions of academic support, particularly with regard to one-to-one support. Students at Northern perceived themselves as having to be more independent/ rely on themselves. Sense of selves as students diverse too; in Northern and Easter = partial student identity (likely result of other responsibilities in life such as work or family). In contrast, Southern and Midland = strong sense of self as academic learner.
Relationship between class and identity = spectrum of experience of being university student - Eastern and Northern at one end, Southern at the other. Eastern students largely consider themselves to be 'college students'; at Northern, students = perceive selves as university students but also local and working class; at Southern (and Midland but not as much) = self as university student is much more common. Discussion of how some disconnections/ jostling between home/ parents and attending university (especially Southern and Midland students).
Fitting in? Working class student = not cool to be clever: "we see the power of institutional habitus in the form of a student learning culture defined by 'laid-back' attitudes and a casual, last-minute approach to academic work. Kylie mentions her desire to fit in with her student peers three times and it is obvious that she feels her enthusiasm for learning needs to be tempered, at least in front of other Northern students" (p.117). Same student = applying to RG uni to do PG study where she thinks she will 'fit in academically but not socially' (opposite of UG study at Northern) = standing out/ fitting in.
Core argument: "The rewards and recognition of being a university student are powerfully differentiated across the higher education field" (p.120). "The crucial difference between students at the four institutions lies more in the learner identities that they bring to the higher education context than in differing identifications and social identities" (p.117). Working-class= heterogenous

Context: Overly simplistic analyses that men are the new disadvantaged sex and the "feminization thesis" (Leathwood & Read, 2009, p. 20) due to men's decreasing levels of participation in higher education (HE) and ignorance of the complex ways that masculinity intersects with other social differences, including age, class, ethnicity, race, and sexuality. Important research that has drawn attention to the interconnections between formations of masculinity and other social, generational and cultural differences and inequalities, which profoundly shape men's dispositions to and experiences of learning and teaching (Archer, 2003; Burke, 2006; HEA, 2008). Neoliberal logic and perspective that underpins "economic imperatives to develop 'global, entrepreneurial, corporate, commercialized universities' (Morley, 2011, p. 224)" (110). Neoliberal and meritocratic assumptions about widening participation (WP) and access to higher education for all; the recasting of the problem of WP at a social rather than individual level. "The privileging of (certain forms of) masculinist culture in higher education is intimately connected to different expressions of misogyny that work against women's achievement in higher education" (114).
Aim: To "explore the complex formations of masculinity at play in students' and academics' accounts of pedagogical experiences, relations and practices, drawing on a major qualitative research project concerning gender and higher education pedagogies, funded by the UK's Higher Education Academy" (109). To analyse "the interconnections between formations of masculinity and other social, generational and cultural differences and inequalities, which profoundly shape men's dispositions to and experiences of learning and teaching" (111) based on the in-depth participatory research project, Formations of Gender and Higher Education Pedagogies (GaP), which seeks to "engage the complex ways that identity formations of gender and other social differences (such as class and race) profoundly shape pedagogical experience, relations, subjectivities and practices. GaP explores the ways that inequalities, exclusions and inclusions operate at the micro-level of classroom practice, across disciplinary contexts, power relations and identity formations" (111).
Theoretical frame: critical and feminist post-structural concepts of pedagogy which "explore lived, relational and embodied practices in higher education [and] are deeply interconnected with ontologies, epistemologies and politics of mis/recognition (Burke, 2012; Freire, 1972; Lather, 1991)" (111). The privileging of some forms of knowledge over others and the exclusion of "Others" often framed as "undeserving." Power as a reshaping, rather than oppositional, force for "pedagogical relations and experiences in and across changing social, cultural, spatial and (micro) political contexts (Foucault, 1977)" (112).
Methodology: Qualitative engagements with "HE students and lecturers in critical and reflexive considerations about the complex relationship between social identities, pedagogical practices, relations and experiences. A multi-method, case study approach was taken, first, to collect in-depth data about pedagogical practices, experiences and relations and complex formations of identity. These included individual interviews, focus group interviews and observations of pedagogical practices. Taking a participatory methodological approach, further methods aiming to create spaces of reflexivity and dialogue with the re- search participants included student seminars and forums, meetings with programme teams, workshops and student film clips" (115).
Findings: Illumination of the ways that lecturer and student subjectivities are gendered and subsequent gendering of subject areas, practices and disciplines.
Core argument: Pedagogies are constitutive of gendered formations through the discursive practices and regimes of truth at play in particular pedagogic and disciplinary spaces - "pedagogies do not simply reflect the gendered identities of academics and students; pedagogies themselves are gendered, intimately bound up with historical and masculinised ways of being and doing within higher education" (109). "The narrative of a crisis of masculinity presents an over-simplistic analysis of the increasing numbers of women accessing higher education in some parts of the world" (123).

Context: Existing discussions/ understandings of graduate employability are based on skills concepts; graduate employability is more complex than this conceptualisation: HEIs in particular have been very responsive to the language of skills adopted by employers and been prone to reproduce such discourse both in relation to institutional strategies and specific pedagogic initiatives (p.339). Author notes James et al.s (2013) distinction between graduate skills (homogeneous) and skills that graduates have, with the latter being context/ discipline dependent. Author also notes literature that points to perceived ineffectiveness of skills teaching, particularly resulting from contextual barriers between what is taught and what is practiced in the workplace thus resisting assumptions about conduit-model/ transferability. Author also notes literature on career management competencies (e.g. Jackson & Wilton, 2016)
Aim: To present a new model of employability; to develop an alternative, relational conceptualisation of employability [than skills-centred accounts] based on the concept of capitals. It discusses how this provides a more detailed and multi-dimensional account of the resources graduates draw upon when transitioning to the labour market (abstract)
Theoretical frame: Graduate capitals: human, social, cultural, identity and psychological, which are key resources that confer benefits and advantages onto graduates. These resources encompass a range of educational, social, cultural and psycho-social dimensions and are acquired through graduates formal and informal experiences (p.339). Author argues that these forms of capital relate to different properties, they overlap to some degree and their boundaries are fairly fluid (p.339).
p.340
Methodology: Essay
Discussion:
Human capital: knowledge and skills which graduates acquire which are a foundation of their labour market outcomes (p.341) closest to skills model that are dominant in HE responses to teaching graduate employability. In some disciplines, it is possible to receive professional training through university study (e.g. nursing, teaching, accountancy), but most courses are generalist when it comes to graduate employability. Although not necessarily practically useful, employers do respond to the language of skills, therefore making it important for graduates to be aware and able to communicate these back to employers (p.342). For graduates, it is important that they know how to discuss these and foreground the links between the skills and the specialism of the job they are applying for/ starting in.
Social capital: the sum of social relationships and networks that help mobilise graduates existing human capital and bring them closer to the labour market and its opportunity structures (p.342). Participating in university offers the opportunity to develop bridging ties (see Putnam, 1999 on bonding and bridging ties). Issue for students is whether they can spot opportunities and exploit them, which is where inequity plays out. Graduates/ students need to open opportunities for bridging through employer engagement (e.g. through careers fairs, online profiles), through work experience/ internships. University careers services can be useful for helping employer engagement, especially if knowledgeable and engaging practitioners are able to impart valuable knowledge on how to access particular fields of employment and build relations with employers. This extends guidance on approaching and better interacting with employers, particularly amongst those who are reluctant to approach employers (p.343)
Cultural capital: the formation of culturally valued knowledge, dispositions and behaviours that are aligned to the workplaces that graduates seek to enter (p.343). Cultural capital = institutionalized through participation in particular institutions, although massification of higher education has diluted the potency in shaping access to employment, meaning that graduates have to do more now to develop cultural capital (e.g. winning prizes, attending conferences). This presents equity challenges, in terms of the different understandings of field rules, as well as knowledge and confidence in being able to negotiate them and in the decisions and orientations, including in the case of lower socio-economic graduates, precluding areas of the job market that their middle class colleagues may feel comfortable in approaching (p.344).
Identity capital: the level of personal investment a graduate makes towards the development of their future career and employability + ability to draw on experiences and articulate a personal narrative which aligns to the employment domains they seek to enter (p.345). Graduates therefore need to develop career identities and perform them while trying to enter the labour market. Work of Jackson (2016) on pre-professional identity = pertinent to universities work, helping graduates to develop self-perceptions and goals which may form part of their wider career development (p.346), through the landscapes of practice. Investment is key idea; Previous research indicates that students who invest more strongly in their careers tend to show higher level of identity capital (Tomlinson, 2007) future careers are a strong part of their on-going and anticipated future life project (p.346). The resume/CV = important demonstrator of this: If marketability is now a significant component of employability then graduates need to be primed in the ability to present a compelling employability narrative that conveys their identities (p.347).
Psychological capital: based on the psychosocial resources which enable graduates to adapt and respond proactively to inevitable career challenges (p.347) = level of adaptability (inc. resilience in terms of withstanding set backs) e.g. career adapatability (Savickas & Porfeli, 2012). Self-efficacy also important. Two areas for development: flexible contingency planning in early career management and guidance and the other is around expectation management and coping mechanisms for inevitable stress and set-back (p.348).
Core argument: Offers a new view of graduate capital: One of the main features and strengths of the
capitals approach is its emphasis on the significance of multiple resources which are constitutive of employability, which are acquired across various domains and are not simply confined to formal educational provision. Capital formation is also, therefore, processual and relational in the sense that capitals are acquired and deployed over time and their effects sustained across a range of employment-related contexts (p.349).
Universities need to:
1) help students to develop social/ bridging ties via careers services
2) think creatively about how to enhance students cultural capital through processes of cultural unfreezing and expanding the realms of the possible, including the development of personal confidence and horizon scanning - predicated on the principle that if students are exposed to institutional cultures, including its key cultural actors i.e., current students, academics and managers this will challenge their constraining impressions whilst also potentially expanding their horizons which is a key feature of WP activity (p.344). Employer engagement/ formal recruitment training could be helpful.
3) help students to prepare for reality shock; expectation management; to have honest conversations about the challenges of finding employment.
Author notes these themes as being significant for further consideration:
The multi-faceted nature of HE and its many institutional offerings which help constitute graduates development in numerous ways academic, pastoral, cultural, political and social (p.349).
The significance of experience, particularly narratives of experience, upon which different capitals are formed (p.349).
The importance of accessing, presenting and capitalising on experience and being aware of how these can be used for ones advantage (p.350).

Context: World University Service Canada (WUSC) Student Refugee Program (SRP) as a model of private sponsorship. WUSC has over 90 campus-based 'Local Committees' (students and staff members) resettle approximately 130 refugees each year to post-secondary educational institutions. WUSC = sponsorship agreement holder (SAH) in the private sponsorship of refugees program (PSRP). WUSC discussed in terms of holistic integration model (including language proficiency tutoring, "navigating the education systems and accessing higher education, and building social bridges within Canadian communities", p.75). Two aims of WUSC SRP = "to help refugee students make meaningful contributions to their communities (locally and globally) and secure better lives for themselves and their families; and to build more welcoming communities for newcomers in Canada" (p.77). The SRP = only youth-to-youth refugee sponsorship model, and is the only model that combines resettlement with higher education. Local committees raise the funds and provide welcome, plus initial settlement and integration support. Students on local committees = well-placed to support new arrivals by "adapting programs and policies to reduce barriers for refugees and newcomers, and create a sense of safety and belonging for newcomers" (p.77), and facilitates engagement with other stakeholders/ advocacy for/ on behalf of refugee students
Aim: To assess the effectiveness of the SRP in terms of benefits to refugee students, the role played by youth volunteers and impact on receiving societies.
Conceptual frame: Holistic integration model (Hynie, Korn & Tao, 2016 - built from Ager & Strang's integration framework to highlight the interdependence between the domains/ indicators, which foregrounds the need for dialogic understandings of integration
Methodology: Reports on impact study conducted by WUSC designed to "assess the impact of the SRP on its beneficiaries with respect to their settlement and integration and what factors contribute to
positive outcomes; and to assess the impact of the program on the local committee members and alumni on Canadian campuses, related to their role as private sponsors, and the impact their participation has had on their personal, professional, and academic paths and networks" (p.77). Surveys conducted with refugee students/ SRP 'beneficiaries' (n=192; see p.77 for detail) as well as members of Local Committees (n=135). Follow up focus groups and interviews were then conducted (n=21 interviews, 1 focus group with 4 local committee members)
Findings:
Beneficiaries
- 94% of beneficiaries completed their education
- 80% completed in sponsoring institution
- 11% experienced interruptions in study, with 64% of this cohort returning to their studies
- Key barriers to study = cost of living, cost of studies, family obligations, or illness (p.79)
- 55% = pursuing/ have pursued further education
- Beneficiaries highlighted the connection between education and employment outcomes
- 2/3 beneficiaries = satisfied with their jobs (job satisfaction climbs with time in Canada)
- Local committee members = key to connecting beneficiaries with employment opportunities/ networks: "A common theme among the SRP beneficiary interviews is the importance of networking and social and professional connections for their integration. Local committees connecting SRP beneficiaries with jobs on campus, helpful references from professors when applying to postgraduate education programs, and the sponsoring community's role in contributing to a strong sense of belonging were some of the examples provided by interview respondents" (p.79)
- 70% of respondents signaled a strong sense of belonging to Canada, 87% = strong connection to family, 69% = strong connection to ethnic community, 68% = strong connection to neighbourhood
- Many beneficiaries reported homesickness but also developing family-like relationships with Canadian supporters, and expressed deep gratitude
- 87% of beneficiaries believed they had adapted to Canadian society
- 82% reported feeling accepted/ 80% = respected
- 2/3 reported experiencing or witnessing racism
- 1/4 of beneficiaries experienced discrimination
- Beneficiaries overwhelmingly discuss wanting to 'give back to community'
Local Committee members
- 57% = students indicated their experience had led them to pursue courses with global focus
- 77% of students = reported overall academic experience of studying was improved by being on committee
- 40% of students suggested their involvement had led them to pursue further studies
- 77% of respondents remained connected to Local Committee, with 29% involved/ 14% somewhat involved in refugee resettlement activities
- 98% reported that involvement in WUSC impacted on how they voted
- 20% of respondents = also involved in other private sponsorship activites
Core argument: The SRP "program model contributes to the creation of more welcoming communities, through awareness-raising activities and the trickle-down effect from local committee members' broader networks" (p.82)
The study "demonstrate[s] the interconnectedness of integration outcomes for refugees that can lead to positive integration experiences, as illustrated in the holistic integration model" (p.82).
Positive impact on beneficiaries and local committee members, as well as broader community (e.g. through voting/ civic engagement).
WUSC could be taken up by other countries, particularly through engagement around the GCR and its focus on complementary pathways because it is "compatible with this "whole of society" approach to refugee protection and education, and thus engages all of these actors, often through the work of young local committee members" (p.83)

Context: Connects transitions/ trajectories and communities of practice. Following Lea (2005), they argue that CoP = useful heuristic, but only if it is extended to account for particularities of higher education teaching and learning communities. Lave & Wenger's original work on CoP highlighted relational view of learning between learner and wider sociocultural environment, which avoids reification of knowledge and 'its commodified exchange'. However, critiques have been levelled at CoP because of its tendancy towards homogeneity and consensus, and others have argued that more attention needs to be given to individual agency and life histories. Others argue that there is a lack of attention to power dynamics (e.g. lecturers = assessors). Wenger's later (2009) work is more encompassing of 'multimembership' and permeable boundaries. Authors argue that relationship with language and literacies is under-explored in CoP scholarship.
Aim: To explore "the particular kinds of trajectories, commitments and intentions displayed by the participants in undergraduate courses; the knowledge practices and distinctive stances in relation to knowledge around which these 'communities' centre and the conceptualisation of the nature of communication and the particular challenges for the creation of meaning within higher education learning communities" (abstract); "to develop the heuristic value of the communities of practice framework for
researching HE learning and teaching by closely examining these areas of trajectories, knowledge practices and the nature of communication in order to bring out key matters that need to be taken into account in conceptualising HE learning communities" (p.284).
Theoretical frame: CoP
Methodology: Essay
Findings: Shape and positionality of HE (inc. purpose and orientation) = impede students' participation in their disciplinary CoPs:
"Rather than students developing trajectories in relation to a specific community within which they will remain, undergraduate programmes involve time-limited engagement in learning communities which overlap with, and/or serve as preparation for, participation in diverse future workplace communities. This is important as it renders more complex the interplay between what is learned through participation and the identification with the practices of a particular future workplace community which would make this learning meaningful. Fostering outward trajectories from undergraduate programmes can be problematic" (p.287).
Authors note arguments by Barnett (2007) on "the value of students and staff working together to engage with the uncertainties and limitations of academic understanding in a spirit of humility, criticality and resilience" (p.287); Nussbaum (1997) on developing capacity to take reasoned stance and training students' 'narrative imagination'; Walker (2010) on developing discursive pedagogies that help to discuss issues of social justice; hooks (1994) on theorization beyond disciplinary boundaries and use of theorization for wider social change.

For students to become proficient in their disciplinary CoP, they need to participate effectively in ways of thinking and practising (WTP), which "encompass the tacit norms and practices of academic communities as well as their histories of debate and perspectives on knowledge" (p.289). Students also need to be encouraged to take an epistemological orientation that views "knowledge [as] problematised rather than seen as reified and established content to be learned" (p.290) - therefore encouraging students to ask questions of, rather than reifying disciplinary knowledge.

Critique of assumption of transparency of language in Wenger's notion of spaces of negotiation of meaning; the task = "to assist [students] to unpack these 'situated decontextualizing practices' and to participate to a degree in the discursive repertoires of particular academic domains" (p.291) by developing 'hybrid discourses' (taking expertise of lecturer, rephrasing in way students will understand with everyday lexis).
Need to develop space for shared meaning between lecturer and student: "Achieving a sufficient sharing of meaning between lecturers and students requires newcomers to a domain to enter into the frames of knowledge within which topics are to be construed, to begin to gain a sense of the context of meaning-making within a particular disciplinary or professional community" (p.292).
Law's (2004) 'ontology of the in-between' (partial connections) = useful framing

Context: The introduction of foundation degrees by the British government in 2000 as a qualification that balanced academic and vocational skills, and emphasise 'work-based learning, employer involvement, flexible delivery and a focus on widening participation' (109). All students who pass their foundation degrees are afforded the opportunity to continue to a third year honours degree. This transition is required to be 'smooth' and is often 'likened to the transition experiences of first-year students who are also new to studying at university level' (109). Research identifies the particularly emotional components of transition that can cause fears, worries and doubts, including doubts about self-worth to surface (Gallacher et al. 2002; Christie et al. 2008).
Aim: 'To understand the progression experiences of foundation degree students in order to enhance and strengthen the support offered before, during and after transition so that foundation degree students are integrated into their first and final year at university as quickly, sensitively and effectively as possible' (111).
Theoretical frame: Bourdieu's (1984, 1986, 1992) concepts of habitus and cultural capital that understands non-traditional students conceptualisation of the transition to university as 'as a time of risk, including financial risk, risk to identity and self-concept, risk to family life/ children and the risk of failure as well as feelings of not being able to cope or make friends' (110). Field and Morgan-Klein's (2010), using Turner's (1987) ideas of 'liminity' and 'rites of passage', discussion of how 'student-hood itself can be conceptualised as a liminal position or a transitional status 'betwixt and between' other statuses or 'betwixt and between' their past and their 'imagined' future' (110).
Methodology: Mixed-methods - including: online questionnaires and semi-structured in-depth interviews. The online questionnaire focussed on emotions and feelings, and was distributed as such in order to be as accessible as possible for students who were juggling multiple roles (student, worker, parent, carer, etc.) and perhaps did not have the time to commit to in-person or telephone interviews.
Findings: Three main themes: study at foundation degree level was different to honours degree level; non-traditional students were more likely than traditional students to construct their identity as a student as one of 'emotional disorder and insecurity', and 'many students tended to construct themselves and their progression in terms of potential failure and not being good enough' (118); and potential for the enhancement of student progression experience, which included developing relationships between students and lecturers and improving relationships between FE and HE providers.
Core argument: 'Improving the progression experiences of students is not only important in terms of retention and student experience but also in light of recent changes to student fee structures which may make foundation degrees more attractive to students, [which] could potentially increase the numbers of students progressing to university for the final year of their degree' (108). Authors suggest more information for students about progression and expectations and a focus by providers on relationship building.

Context: Educators' perceptions of transition; transition is "largely under-theorised, and underpinned by unquestioned and normative assumptions regarding what transition might mean" (p.1), which result in grand narratives that drive reductive and overly-simplistic policy and practice. Transitions commonly understood as best if 'smooth', with metaphors of bridging and gaps dominant in the literature. Other discourses that circulate around discussions of transition = deficit, resilience, homogeneity, ritual, linearity, journeys, stages, pathways
Aim: To "examine the conceptions of transition held by academic and professional staff, who work to support students' learning into and through higher education" (p.1)
Theoretical frame:
Grand narrative (Lyotard, 1984): "a pervasive, embedded, cultural narrative which organises and totalises knowledge and experience" (p.2).
Pedagogic frailty (Kinchin & Winstone, 2017) = "a dis- connection between the practices of the discipline with the pedagogy that underpins the discipline, or tensions between the academic and decision-making bodies (locus of control) that regulate teaching" (p.4).
Unlearning (Land, Rattay & Vivian) = recalibration of existing ways of being, knowing and doing before learning new ways (see also Spivak, 1992).
Methodology: Concept map-mediated interviews "to surface and to unravel staff conceptions of learning, unlearning and transition and we seek to unsettle established and normative conceptions of transition to higher education" (p.2). Research in two research-intensive universities, one of which has higher-than-average intake of equity (BAME/ low SES/FinF) students. Methods: concept-map mediated interviews (CMMI) with staff (n=7; 2m, 5f; 3 academics, 4 professional staff). CMMI = unstructured; interview starts with one prompt question ('from your perspective what knowledge, skills and practices do you perceive students must let go of, or develop, in order to transition into and through university?'; p.5); concepts mentioned = written on post-it notes so the interviewer can recount the interview back to participant, who is then asked to organise the concept post-its on a piece of A3 paper, "in order to interrogate the intended meaning and maximise the explanatory power of the links in the map" (p.6). After interview, concept map = recreated in PowerPoint and sent to participant for member validation. Maps = coded inductively using NVivo
Findings: Staff draw heavily on normative conceptions of transitions
Students in deficit: commonly indexed, using terms like 'spoonfeeding', lack of preparation
Grey mindsets: relating to epistemological shifts/ unlearning
Changing relations between students and staff: shifting perceptions about 'teacher as expert' and students' role; also, students need to shift language (e.g. moving from calling educator 'Miss' to first name/ teacher to lecturer), and students recognising importance of support staff (and using them)
Participants also recognised the non-human actors that complicate students' transitions, such as campus layout, curriculum design, finances, system v. values, neoliberal ideology and efficiency mechanisms.
Concept maps also highlight divergence from grand narrative, with participants recognising that students' transitions are complex, multiple, individual/ heterogeneous
Core argument: Although commonalities were observed in participants' talk and concept mapping with regard to normative understandings of transition that foregrounded students' deficits and need to assimilate to higher education, the deviations from this script also suggest that staff are aware of more heterogeneous experiences of transition, which points to pedagogic frailty:
"Tensions within these landscapes can be viewed as a signifier of pedagogic frailty within the system, as opposed to an individual vulnerability or deficit. Frailty may occur where an individual's views conflict with other views in the institution or where the values espoused within institutions jostle uncomfortably with environmental or systemic constraints" (p.10-11)

Context: The underpinning of global education by norms, values and practices that favour middle-class over working-class students is echoed in South Africa, but with an added racial element; "because of the structuring policies of apartheid, the majority of African students that have entered the university system after democratic elections in 1994 are from working-class backgrounds and most whites are from middle-class backgrounds" (909) and overall retention and graduation rates are lower for African students than white students. Recent student-led protests and calls for decolonisation of higher ed reflect general dissatisfaction and "debates are currently focussed on appropriate content and context of knowledge as well as on transformative pedagogic practices" (909).
Aim: To contribute to a discussion about curriculum reform by answering: 1) What pedagogic practices underpin the science foundation course and, as a result, what are the implications for student learning? 2) What aspects of first-year mainstream pedagogic practices enable or constrain students in the transition from foundation to mainstream? (909)
Theoretical frame: Bernstein's (Class, Codes and Control, Volume IV: The Structuring of Pedagogic Discourse [1990]; Pedagogy, Symbolic Control, and Identity: Theory, Research, Critique. Lanham [2000]) thesis that, through differential framing of pedagogic practices, the curriculum has capacity to accommodate all groups of students; "pedagogy comprises two discourses: a discourse of moral and social order referred to as the regulative discourse and a discourse of skills and knowledge referred to as the instructional discourse. The regulative discourse is always dominant and the instructional discourse is embedded within the regulative discourse" (909). Also that stronger framing of evaluation criteria can promote access (Bernstein 2000; Morais, Neves, and Pires 2004; Neves, Morais, and Afonso 2004; Rose 2004).
Methodology: Data obtained in 2013/2014 from analysis of course documents (course and semester outlines, resource materials, handouts (lecture, practical and tutorial), assessment tasks, rubrics, written feedback, student evaluations, curriculum review report), semi-structured interviews of teaching staff (5 of 6) and BScF students (17 volunteers of 49) and an 'external language of description', as advocated by Bernstein (2000, 133), was developed, which forms a dialectic bridge between the theoretical concepts of framing of pedagogic modalities and the empirical data (911).
Findings: Being both an appropriate science knower and learner is in fact key for accessing the powerful science knowledge for which middle-class students are generally better socialised than working-class students. "Students who are permitted to proceed into mainstream have demonstrated some level of access in the academic context. Nonetheless, the transition to mainstream still proves difficult for many" (920).
Core argument: "social justice perspective that holistic curriculum transformations that better enable epistemic transitions are an urgent imperative, and that consideration of differential framing of pedagogic modalities offer a close-up empirical means of conceptualising such reforms" (901). Different modalities of pedagogic practices have the potential to enable or constrain student access across transitions.

Context: Set in context of WP in Wales, particularly social class inequalities impacting on transition from compulsory to post-compulsory education and the significance of locality. Draws from a project that examined young people's educational decisions and transitions in Wales and impact of national economic landscapes and local employment opportunities. Author notes the reliance on theories of cultural reproduction (e.g. habitus and informational orientations/pathways/dispositions - Ball et al., 2002; Reay et al., 2001) and rationale choice/ action theory (Boudon, 1974; Goldthorpe, 1996) to develop understandings of inequities in youth transitions. Notes two dominant (and contradictory) explanations for relationship between local employment opportunities and participation in education: 1) young people remain in education for human capital reasons (personal investment in own economic futures) and 2) local employment opportunities are so scarce that they have to remain in education.
Aim: To "how young people's decisions regarding participation in post-16 education and beyond are framed (i.e. often simultaneously facilitated and constrained) by the opportunities for employment in local contexts as well as the constraints that characterise the broader national economic landscape in which young people reside" (p.2); to "explore, in some detail, how local opportunities as well as contemporary economic landscapes configure particular opportunities and constraints, which together dominate young people's understandings about the relationship between education and employment and frame their educational decision-making" (p.3). To add to theoretical discussions of the nature of youth transitions and to help move beyond using locality as a proxy for social class
Theoretical frame:
Methodology: Qualitative study in two localities: Rhondda Valley and Newport (South Wales): "whilst these two Welsh localities could be described as similarly working class, sharing industrial heritages associated with manual labour and experiencing similarly high levels of present-day unemployment, they are characterised by local nuances which as we shall see have crucial importance for the decision-making processes underpinning the transitions of these young people" (p.4). Research with 57 young local people aged 16-18 (31 from Rhondda Valley - 6 = middle class; 26 from Newport - minority = had parents with professional/ managerial jobs; 8 = minority ethnic/LBOTE). Majority of participants = GCE AS/A2 level exams. Substantial minority had not received 5 GCSE A-C grades. At time of research (2010-2011) = global financial crisis.
Findings: Data suggests that "young people from similar social class backgrounds, but living in different localities, make very different sorts of transition from compulsory to post-compulsory education; in essence, they are either 'pushed' or they 'jump' into post-16 education" (abstract)
Austerity = significant context and were important for both sets of students and limited job opportunities (responding to narratives of crisis and job scarcity: "Entering post-16 education and progression to HE was rationalised not so much in terms of a desire to invest in human capital, but as a means of avoiding unemployment" (p.5) - although the 'discouraged worker' narrative is not sufficient to capture the complexity. Discourse of widening participation indexes a linear transition from higher education to employment. Data suggests that students view HE as offering positional advantage.
From local perspective, students from the Rhondda Valley = significantly hindered by poverty, poor infrastructure and transport; Newport is more prosperous and better connected. Students from Rhondda Valley = viewed difficulties in finding employment and affording to work; their interpretations of lack of employment opportunities often reflected experiences within their own families. This was not the majority experience of students in Newport, who were much more likely to reflect on availability of local work opportunities
Core argument: Looking more at locality and local opportunity structures and nuanced differences = significant for understanding students' transitions: "spatial differences in the structure of opportunities in local contexts and young people's interpretations of them were reflected in subtle differences in the nature of their transitions from school to sixth form" (p.8). Author makes a distinction between those who are pushed and those who jump: "Where young people are 'pushed', their transitions may be more tenuous, fragmented and convoluted, and they themselves possibly more vulnerable to drop out and non-completion in further education or HE than those who 'jump'. This in turn might make their pathways towards their hoped-for destinations more fractured and fragmented" (p.11).

Context: Explores how university campuses in rural/regional locations can interact with communities "to shape aspirations and flexibly deliver sustainable academic programs" (abstract) in various modes. Works from assumption that various factors impede rural/regional students' engagement with HE (small populations making difficult to run programs/ distance education not good for all). Starts from Dalley-Trim & Alloway's 2010 paper, and highlights the limitation of not being able to access those who had already left school. Notes difficulty of defining what counts as 'rural'- careful about treating all people who live outside of metropolitan areas as homogenous group (p.81). Argues that not all rural students want to move away from home, but may be limited in options as a result: "A campus that cannot provide a reasonable variety of programs runs the risk of, simultaneously, patronising its target population and reinforcing entrenched social stereotypes" (p.82) = leading to forms of (social) exclusion. Therefore, policy rather than geography = determining factor in social exclusion
Aim: Asks: to what extent are those living in rural and remote communities 'free' to pursue their dreams of higher education? What would count as adequate educational opportunity for those embracing regional and rural lifestyles? (abstract)
Theoretical frame: Draws on Isaiah Berlin's two concepts of freedom: negative freedom (free from interference from others) and positive freedom (freedom as self-mastery); discourse of 'option-freedom' (as opposed to 'agent-freedom') and discourse of social inclusion/exclusion. "Option-freedom reflects two things: the character of the options that are accessible to the agent; plus the nature of the agent's access to those options (Pettit 2003, p.389), p.82). Also draws on Gidley's 3-part typology of 'social inclusion' agendas (2010)
Methodology: Essay
Discussion:
1) considers 'one-room' campus (regional/rural centres) offering IT access for external/blended learning - notes pros and cons. Ideal: "To ensure greater success for one-room classrooms, it would be desirable to follow each remote-delivered lecture with a face-to-face tutorial allowing instructors to test and confirm students' understanding of lectures, plus students' skills in extracting information and meaning from print-based course materials" (p.87)
2) Flexible programming: regional campuses need discretion to enact flexibility
3) Scholarships
4) Regional campus as 'shaper of educational demand': metrocentrism pushes a 'one-size-fits-all' approach: "regional university campuses would be well-advised to follow the lead of rural community schools in modelling academic possibilities to the local population" (p.88)
5) Local knowledges and local course content: curriculum needs to be relevant to communities served - calls for place-based education
6) Symbolic importance of rural campuses: "needs to become a locus for aspects of community life, including teacher education and continuing professional development" (p.90)
7) Supporting teacher education: based on research that argues where teachers train to become teachers is strongly connected with where they work
8) Supporting professional development:
Core argument: Regional/rural students are important and warranted more attention and different approaches; they "represent a gain to their universities and to the higher education system as a whole" (p.91)
For regional/ rural campuses to respond to local communities = based on assumption that they know what they want; "rural campuses must act not only as brokers between rural populations and higher education institutions, but as educators of public opinion and shapers of local educational aspirations" (abstract)

Context: Students from HEB background at Griffith University enrolled in Graduate Certificate of Community and Youth Work, provided to overseas-qualified refugees and migrants ran in 2010 and 2011.
Aim: Explore issues to employability and success in HE for HEB background students.
Conclusions: Access to university is not enough to effect change. The classroom dynamics, teaching and learning styles, and curriculum all needed to change if this cohort's needs were to be met in ways that acknowledged their status and existing strengths. There is a gap between the expectations and skills of students, and the curriculum, which is developed prior to semester beginning, and without a sense of what kinds of pedagogies these students require.

Context: Explores quality, access and success from variety of perspectives. Starts from notion that quality, access and success are "complex and multi-perspectival" and depend on underlying ideologies (p.124). The authors take the position that equitable access and success are closely connected to social inclusion.
"...access, participation and success are ordered according to a spectrum of ideologies - neoliberalism, social justice and human potential, respectively - by way of a nested structure with human potential ideology offering the most embracing perspective" (p.124, emphasis added).
Spectrum of ideologies = reflected in degrees of social inclusion.
Contextualises the paper in terms of globalization of HE; tensions between elite unis and massification (competition, commodification of knowledge, economic rationales); shifting notions of quality - tension between neoliberalism and social justice: "'the trade-off between excellence and equity' (Lunt, 2008; on page 128). Authors contest neoliberal notion of quality as a measure of an individual university's "competitive edge" (p.128).
Social inclusion = could be poised to take over dominance of equity and access. Social inclusion policy pays insufficient attention to certain groups: CALD (inc. refugees), rurual/remote, ageing populations and incarcerated people. Also, level of policy/ discourse direction is significant: If policies and interventions remain at the level of top down imposition of assumed common values, then it is likely that many of the groups discussed above, even if given access to higher education, may choose not to participate wholeheartedly" (p.130).
Degrees of social inclusion:
Access through lens of neoliberalism = investments in human capital/ contribution to knowledge economy, so that access is about creating higher numbers (to fuel economic production) from outside of 'saturated' populations; works from deficit position and scarcity of resources; reduction of social explanation to economic framework is a "conceptual reductive integration" and lifeworld reduction = "cultural assimilation and stakeholder dominator hierarchies" (p.133).
Participation and engagement through lens of social justice = "is about human rights, egalitarianism of opportunity, human dignity and fairness for all" (p.134). Notes link with critical educational theories (e.g. Giroux and Freire). University-community partnerships = example that shifts away from notion of 'ivory towers' of academy
Aim: Responds to this question: 'Are equitable access, success and quality three essential ingredients or three mutually exclusive concepts for higher education development? Key question: 'To what extent does the new term, social inclusion, reflect a shift in policy; or is it merely old policies repackaged?' (p.129)
Theoretical frame: Integrative analysis. Uses integrative - or joined-up - thinking to offer some future
policy directions.
Methodology: Literature review
Findings:
Human potential ideology - goes beyond economic/social justice notions to idea that equal rights = "to maximise the potential of each human being [through] cultural transformation" (p.135) = opposite to deficit model/ ideology. Refers to Hope Theory (see Synder in Egan et al 2008). Based on notion that there is no one ideal model of human development - people do not 'fit in', rather they "bring with them the richness of their individual difference" (p.137)
Suggestions of interventions to increase access (p.139) include more equity scholarships, better income support, better regional infrastructure, improved physical modification of facilities for people with disabilities, more teaching (language-culture) support for CALD students, better counselling services
Suggestions of interventions to increase participation (p.140): partnerships, social enterprise, mentoring, learning networks, arts/sports interventions, outreach
Suggestions of interventions to increase success and empowerment (p.141) = pathways, hearing voices, dialogue, futures interventions, hope interventions, cultural festivals.
Core argument: Presents 2 notions of quality: justice globalism (prioritising collaboration rather than competition) and human potential (related to human potential and transformation)
Towards an integrative approach to quality: involves spectrum of ideologies and degrees of social inclusion; "quality in higher education is synonymous with a broad interpretation of social inclusion in higher education in that both are concerned with equitable access, participatory engagement and empowered success" (p.142).

Context: Explores quality, access and success from variety of perspectives. Starts from notion that quality, access and success are "complex and multi-perspectival" and depend on the underlying ideologies (p.124). The authors take the position that equitable access and success are closely connected to social inclusion.

"...access, participation and success are ordered according to a spectrum of ideologies - neoliberalism, social justice and human potential, respectively - by way of a nested structure with human potential ideology offering the most embracing perspective" (p.124, SB's emphasis).

Spectrum of ideologies = reflected in degrees of social inclusion.
Contextualises the paper in terms of globalization of HE; tensions between elite unis and massification (competition, commodification of knowledge, economic rationales); shifting notions of quality - tension between neoliberalism and social justice: "'the trade-off between excellence and equity' (Lunt, 2008; on page 128). Authors contest neoliberal notion of quality as a measure of an individual university's "competitive edge" (p.128).
Social inclusion = could be poised to take over dominance of equity and access. Social inclusion policy pays insufficient attention to certain groups: CALD (inc. refugees), rurual/remote, ageing populations and incarcerated people. Also, level of policy/ discourse direction is significant: If policies and interventions remain at the level of top down imposition of assumed common values, then it is likely that many of the groups discussed above, even if given access to higher education, may choose not to participate wholeheartedly" (p.130).
Degrees of social inclusion:
Access through lens of neoliberalism = investments in human capital/ contribution to knowledge economy, so that access is about creating higher numbers (to fuel economic production) from outside of 'saturated' populations; works from deficit position and scarcity of resources; reduction of social explanation to economic framework is a "conceptual reductive integration" and lifeworld reduction = "cultural assimilation and stakeholder dominator hierarchies" (p.133).
Participation and engagement through lens of social justice = "is about human rights, egalitarianism of opportunity, human dignity and fairness for all" (p.134). Notes link with critical educational theories (e.g. Giroux and Freire). University-community partnerships = example that shifts away from notion of 'ivory towers' of academy

Aim: Responds to this question: 'Are equitable access, success and quality three essential ingredients or three mutually exclusive concepts for higher education development? Key question: 'To what extent does the new term, social inclusion , reflect a shift in policy; or is it merely old policies repackaged?' (p.129)
Theoretical frame: Integrative analysis. Uses integrative - or joined-up - thinking to offer some future
policy directions.
Methodology: Literature review
Findings:
Human potential ideology - goes beyond economic/social justice notions to idea that equal rights = "to maximise the potential of each human being [through] cultural transformation" (p.135) = opposite to deficit model/ ideology. Refers to Hope Theory (see Synder in Egan et al 2008). Based on notion that there is no one ideal model of human development - people do not 'fit in', rather they "bring with them the richness of their individual difference" (p.137)
Suggestions of interventions to increase access (p.139) include more equity scholarships, better income support, better regional infrastructure, improved physical modification of facilities for people with disabilities, more teaching (language-culture) support for CALD students, better counselling services
Suggestions of interventions to increase participation (p.140): partnerships, social enterprise, mentoring, learning networks, arts/sports interventions, outreach
Suggestions of interventions to increase success and empowerment (p.141) = pathways, hearing voices, dialogue, futures interventions, hope interventions, cultural festivals.
Core argument: Presents 2 notions of quality: justice globalism (prioritising collaboration rather than competition) and human potential (related to human potential and transformation)
Towards an integrative approach to quality: involves spectrum of ideologies and degrees of social inclusion; "quality in higher education is synonymous with a broad interpretation of social inclusion in higher education in that both are concerned with equitable access, participatory engagement and empowered success" (p.142).