Higher Education Equity Literature Database

Context: Educators cannot avoid the meaningful recognition of categorical identity groupings to mobilise relevant, accessible and purposeful educational experiences for all students. As educators recognise and acknowledge these categorical groups, images of society are constructed by positioning these groups in particular ways. They then draw upon these images to further engage in their respective pedagogical acts, as each image advises them on how they conduct their role as educators. Thus, images of society held by educators become their discursive choice.
Aim: To outline the conceptual underpinnings of the discursive images held by educators.
Theoretical frame: Theoretical concepts: Image makers - core concepts that constitute the images of a society, which have been drawn from varied theoretical paradigms; Image of society - Play a critical role in educators' decisions and pedagogical choices, therefore contributing to how individuals in diverse groups are educated
Discussion: A)Image makers: 1) Difference: A key concept used by many fields to discuss the interplay of identities, both individual and categorical or group identity; Hall (2003), Weedon (2004), and many other postcolonial scholars, propose that establishing 'difference' is not just about the construction of who an individual is, but it is also about the exclusion of who an individual is not - inevitably establishing who is 'in and out', creating 'inequitable power relationships' among groups (p. 294). 2)Othering: Conceptualises the process of establishing 'difference; In postcolonial literature 'othering' is central to the discourse of colonialism and dominance., where 'othering' is used to establish the superiority of 'self' and deficits in the colonised, the 'other' (Said 1978). On the other hand, when the 'other' is seen as exotic, they are glorified, decorated and showcased as decreed by the coloniser. 3)Normalising: A concept which critical race theory often uses to challenge the unnamed practices attached to 'whiteness' or 'white' culture (Frankenberg 1993; Ladson-Billings 2009). According to Frankenberg (1993), the processes of 'normalising' and 'othering' operate together for 'whiteness' to dominate and control people of colour in settler countries (USA, Australia & New Zealand). 'Normalising' is therefore embedded in colonising dominance and control, akin to 'othering'. 4)Neutralising: A concept that drives individuals to refrain from establishing 'difference'; 'Neutralising' is chosen to deliberately encourage people to accept and love each other despite their 'difference'. Hence, all attempts in 'neutralising' are made to minimise or overlook 'difference'. 5)Multiple belonging: A concept that highlights that one can encourage multiplicity in all individuals and groups through 'liberal pluralism' (Burtonwood, 2006, p. 136), which encourages individuals to see diversity in all around us.6)Performance: A poststructural concept that challenges notions of belonging to any group or category that is constructed within linguistic categories (Butler, 1999); by arguing identity constructs as mere 'performances' with unreal, yet realisable 'truth', it challenges the language of 'othering' and 'normalising' used to establish 'difference'. 7)Critical (re)cognition: Involves engaging in a process that is purposeful with an aim to destabilise and diffuse political power attached to particular ways of being within categories; Similar to the concept of 'performance', it challenges the language of 'othering' and 'normalising'; Enables educators to examine 'who establishes the national, ability, gender, religious, ethno-linguistic and class 'truths' and what and how they can work against this 'truth' to resist dominance and marginalisation to (re)construct with 'difference'' (p. 297). 2)Image of society (What do educators see): 1)'After all difference is natural, some can and others can't': Defined by hierarchical notions of classifying and categorising individuals and groups in a society; Underpinned by the belief that there are groups that are naturally superior, or pre-programmed genetically to function better than the rest; Pedagogies centre around identifying the pre-supposed weaknesses of particular groups and rectifying them. 2)'Not at all, I don't see difference': Nurtured to 'overcome undue segmentation of the otherwise homogenous humankind in the society' (p. 299); 'Difference' based on gender, 'race', nationality, ethnicity, ability and many others, attributed to individuals and groups are regarded as being 'immaterial' (p. 299); Personal and social relationships are valued highly and the influence of structures is less considered; Pedagogical choice - promotes care and love amongst the learners so that differences can be overlooked and a cohesive and harmonious society where we nurture each other can be built. 3)'After all we are different and diverse': Underpinned by belief in unique worldviews that stem from distinctive, collective knowledge systems and experiences; acceptance that individuals are different and diverse as everyone belongs to different groups or structures with different values, attitudes, cultures and needs; Pedagogical choice - teach learners to learn and understand each other's unique socio-cultural experiences that make up one's identity to create a 'harmonious and cohesive society' (p. 299). 4)'Not at all, difference and diversity are illusions': Constructed by positioning language based terms central to our understanding of who we and others are; Contend that all categorical, value based, symbolic representations of one's collective identity are illusions, or 'performances' (p. 300) (Butler 1999); Pedagogical choice - aims to enable all individuals to acknowledge that there is no one ultimate 'truth', but that there are multiple 'truths' (p. 300). 5)'After all these are illusions; and not, as these are attached to matted realities': Underpinned by the view that 'difference' and diversity are illusions, and positions language as being central to the construction of categories; Pedagogical choice - Aims to enable all learners to be aware of complexities of power and power imbalance. C)Educational choices (What do educators choose): 1)'Educate to treat difference': Educators' choices in responding to 'difference' stem from the image of society: 'After all difference is natural, some can and others can't'; Educators desire uniformity, and seek to negate 'difference' with an emphasis on scientifically pre-established markers of similarities and differences between and within individuals in categorical groups. 2)'Educate to erase difference': Underpinned by the image of society: 'Not at all, I don't see difference', this choice , is triggered by highly humanistic and altruistic motivations; educators model thinking and pedagogy that promotes kindness and sympathy for each other, and teaching people to look past the 'difference' that each child or particular groups may possess. 3)'Educate to learn difference': Underpinned by the image of the society: 'After all we are different and diverse'. Hence, this choice accepts 'difference' without regarding it as a 'deficit or as negligible' (p. 304); Nevertheless, stems from 'othering', resulting in 'selective & sporadic engagement with identified 'difference' (p. 304). Therefore, this choice can inadvertently result in the dominant group controlling the identity of the marginalised groups, through stereotyping and exclusion. 4)'Educate to embrace difference': Underpinned image of the society: 'Not at all, difference and diversity are illusions'; Educators are propelled by an acute awareness of the arbitrary nature of language categories and seek actively to move away from presenting sporadic stereotypes of particular groups; Educators explicitly seek to integrate 'multiplicity' into daily educational practices. 5) 'Educate to resist and construct difference': Underpinned by the image of society 'After all these are illusions'; Educators condemn discriminatory discourses that establish deficits in the scrutinised 'other'; this choice leads to critical, collective action that seeks to (re)construct historically constructed marginalisation of particular 'difference'.
Core argument: Educating with 'difference' is inevitable in today's society. The educational choice of educators is constituted by the very same image makers that make the image of the society, the very base of that choice. Thus, an educator's image and its image makers also decide who they are as educators, their discourses, and what they fear and desire with all who embody 'difference'.

Context: Viewpoint from UK politician (Labour; opposition party perspective). Set in post-2010 Conservative-Lib Dem coalition. Speaks to the agenda of competition as 'school choice', academic rigour, so that "intelligent children from poorer backgrounds will have the same chance to succeed as their more affluent peers" (p.677), while others have accused the Secretary of State.
Aim: To describe the Labour vision for a socially just education system
Theoretical frame: None - explicitly political
Methodology: Viewpoint essay
Discussion: Lisa Nandy defines a socially just education system as "one where all children are enabled to achieve their full potential in academic, vocational and social education regardless of background" (p.677) - to equip children for life, not just work. This needs to be underpinned by these principles:
1) must be collaborative (not competitive and not a call for mediocrity as per Tory politician); gives example of 'Great Manchester Challenge' - see p.68. Challenge is how to act upon poor practice and systematic failures;
2) Performance should be published on basis of 'intelligent measures' that reflect the local context and home lives of children, rather than league tables;
3) Recognise difference through provision of different pathways into academic/ vocational qualifications, which involves shifting perceptions of vocational education as subordinate to academic education.
4) The system needs to recognise it doesn't always work in the way intended, requiring investment in lifelong learning

Context: Underrepresentation of women in higher education leadership (department heads/ chairs) positions in the USA, particularly for women of colour and particularly because of having to balance home and work responsibilities. Authors' review of literature on department heads = mostly 'gender blind'. Authors offer examples of how discourses of fairness, collective good and training are instantiated in the literature.
Aim: To examine discourses engaged in field of higher education with regard to gender bias using discourses that authors identified from literature review: fairness, collective good, and the training imperative
Theoretical frame: Discourse as power relation
Methodology: Critical discourse analysis/ review of literature on department heads
Findings: Fairness = subjective and gendered: "what is fair for women is often perceived as unfair for men or the department as a whole" (p.3)
Collective good (benefitting the whole department) = disadvantaging to women if assumed to be 'gender neutral', with gender stereotypes working against women if they are not considered to be 'kind' (but authors note "gender biases of this sort are difficult to detect and prove because they are subtle, indirect, and implicit", p.5).
Training imperative: (aka there isn't enough training for leaders). Authors recognise the validity of this argument, but argue that training alone won't challenge existing bias/ stereotypes and is again 'gender blind'
Core argument: Department head literature = gender blind and does not appear to have changed significantly over the period surveyed.
Context: Examines the impacts of marketization of higher education; author specifically explores how universities reconcile their participation as 'global competitors' with need to respond to national policy imperatives, such as equality (inequity) by looking at the language used in publicly available websites of universities in England and New Zealand. Article begins with discussion of global league tables and the tension with meeting social justice goals: "There is thus a tension between the need for universities to project themselves as strong competitors in a global market and leading contributors to the knowledge economy, while at the same time responding to national policy requirements to widen the social base of higher education" (p.2). Global league tables 'ostensibly' provide transparency to enable 'choice' and ensure parable measurements of quality of institutions across the world. Rankings = symbolic of managerialism and 'growth of the audit culture' (p.2; see also Deem, 2001; Deem et al., 2007). However, league tables take no heed of local or national contexts, and there are no ranking systems of universities' performance with regard to equity/ inclusion. Bowl points to work by Ball (1998) and Marginson (2006) that argues that the flow of global market principles "do not straightforwardly transfer to national contexts" (p.3); aka each nation gives global market logics their own spin. At an institutional level, "universities are shaped by their own histories, cultures and norms which, in turn, shape internal priorities and external perceptions about what 'type' of institution they are" (p.3).
Bowl offers an overview of 'widening the social base of HE' of England and NZ.
Aim: To reveal how four universities (English/ New Zealand) use language to 'reconcile the tensions' between global competition and equity; to demonstrate how "the language of 'distinctiveness' and 'diversity' are employed to mask the incompatibility of market competition and equality, and to bolster claims for elite status" (p.2)
Theoretical frame:
Methodology: Essay; comparative [linguistic] analysis (draws on Fairclough but does not describe = discourse analysis). Institutions chosen as 'pairs', according to world rankings (2 = elite/ 'aspirant research' universities; 2 = regional). Documents taken from website home pages (WP), mission, vision and value statements (MVV), annual reports (AR), strategic plans (SP) and profiles (P). Also, Investment Plans (IP) and Access Agreements (AA) analysed.
Findings:
'Doing business': AR and SP = confirm "extent to which commercial priorities have penetrated the strategic heart of university planning and policy-making" (p.8), although there is clear difference between the 2 types of university. Auckland and Durham stress financial sustainability, freedom from government funding constraints, 'diversified' income sources [in partnership with business]; Waikato and Aston = foreground entrepreneurialism and business responsiveness [serving business]. Analysis of the language used to describe links between teaching/ learning and national economic priorities: "moderated language suggests that high-status institutions, with greater holdings of cultural, social and economic capital, are somehow 'above' the market" (p.8).
'Standing out from the crowd': all four universities professed 'excellence' (e.g., 'world-class', world-ranking', 'world-leading' or 'world-wide', see p.10), particularly with reference to global rankings. Lower status universities talk more about 'potential', rather than 'achievement'. All universities claim 'distinctiveness'. A regard for equality is not noticeable in the 'public utterances' of the universities. For the high status universities, where it is mentioned, equality = made in terms of qualifying a commitment to social justice (for instance, justifying the selection of promoting merit and potential of applicants which recognize 'equality of opportunity; see p.12): "What is visible in these statements around equality is that, while national legislation and policy priorities concerning under-represented groups and social mobility are addressed, there is a tendency to limit equality commitments to what is required for the purposes of compliance, rather expressing them as principles" (p.13). Equality is thus performative rather than principled approach to social justice (p.14). Bowl also notes 'linguistic slippage' between diversity and equality: "The vagueness of the term serves a number of purposes. It invokes the warmth and harmony of institutional inclusiveness without threatening an elitist ethos. It evades specification of who is currently excluded, what structural and economic constraints may perpetuate their exclusion, and what action might be needed to end it" (p.14). Moreover, with this vagueness, 'diversity' can also refer to the international student body
Core argument: Lower status institutions linguistically position themselves in servitude to business; organisational positioning and responses to policy pressure = reflect their position in relation to one stream of funding (aka government). Particular buzzwords are employed: differentiation, distinctiveness (which "helps to soften of the harder edges of competitive differentiation", p.14), diversity (an 'empty word', p.15), and potential.

Context: How acts and workloads of FE staff are conceptualised by teachers and management; discretionary behaviour (aka 'going the extra mile'
Aim: To explore how lecturers and middle managers conceptualise the 'extra mile' in their teaching practice.
Theoretical frame: Organisational Citizenship Behaviour as social practice theory
Methodology: Semi-structured interviews with n=30 lecturers, n=6 middle managers;
Findings: 'discretionary acts' mean different things to different people in different situations and consequently the OCB construct is too narrow a view of this phenomenon
The 2001-2005 Transforming Learning Cultures in Education project found that tutors were routinely engaged in improving courses behind the scenes working beyond their job descriptions in response to management pressures. Funding and management regimes in HE were creating these pressures and also sometimes reducing the quality of learning.
Lecturers in further education and vocational programs highlighted pressures regarding student achievement and retention.
College-based lecturers highlighted the how the conceptualisation of students as customers and student evaluations has presented a new type of behaviour to manage. College lecturers were subject to pressures from management to be efficient while student expectations rise. This has created a climate of fear where lecturers were constantly anticipating who might differentiate between teachers who went the 'extra mile' and those who didn't, and how this was determined. (194)
Managers highlighted that conformity, ability to follow procedure, knowing data and entrepreneurial skills were the most valued skills in their staff (201).
Core argument: Rhetoric, identity and language can shape actors' thoughts and behaviours around going the 'extra mile'. Pressures to perform in HE has created a "constant state of turmoil where subjectivities are polarised between a powerless rhetoric which questions the basic purpose of education, and an entrepreneurial rhetoric which fails to question it." (204)

Context: Most equity research focuses on access and participation; not enough is known about what happens when equity (working-class in this article) leave university. Persistent inequality in participation rates in higher education amongst working-class students, and in post-degree outcomes. Shift in focus from access to access-to-what? Authors argue this necessitates a double focus: absolute participation rates, and participation rates in highest value courses and careers, which necessitates research that takes the long view and which can explore trajectories into, through and out of HE into the labour market (p.3). In the literature review, the authors note human capital arguments for widening participation, but note how in uni/ WP context, this doesnt always translate into transition out, so that Such an individualistic and decontextualized way of thinking about employability has been fused with a human capital approach to access in widening participation initiatives (p.3). Authors argue that massification of HE + current economic conditions mean that many graduates are under- or unemployed.
Aim: To focus on the voices of working-class students and their aspirations in relation to employability (abstract)
Theoretical frame: Bourdieu: social spaceÑfields, habitus and capitals
Methodology: Data drawn from Irish and English studies, part of broader European research project entitled Enhancing the employability of non-traditional students in HE (EMPLOY), which spanned across 6 countriesÑ UK, Ireland, Poland, Portugal, Spain, Sweden. Methods: feminist biographical narrative interviews; Irish team interviewed 30 non-trad students; English team interviewed 40 students (30 UG; 10 PG). Case studies of 2 students: Sharon (England) and David (Ireland).
Findings: Overall analysis suggests detraditionalisation of work/ education/ communities/ relationships, meaning that new pathways [have opened] through work and life and biographical projects which do not follow predictable patterns (p.7). Education in particular is viewed as important for providing important resources to cope with multiple transitions, and described by participants as a space of opportunity, development and upward mobility (p.7). Instead of traditional pathways/ barriers, authors argue that there are new branching points and forms of differentiation in HE which effect these outcomes (in discipline, institution, postgraduate qualification) (p.7), and class differentiation is being modified by precaritisation.
Sharon: age 37, studied Law, went to state school, was in foster care, had a baby young, ended up working in a prison, did Access course and chose her university based on proximity to home. Choice of law = related to her challenging childhood. She struggled because she also had to work, meaning she missed lectures. She felt different from her younger/ more privileged peers. She is dyslexic. Classic fish out of water. She couldnt afford to do an unpaid work placement. She went to a Law Society dinner but couldnt afford the membership. Sharon cant afford to do the Legal Practice Course to be able to practice as a solicitor. She witnessed younger students walking into good jobs because of personal connections. She failed two exams because of illness, but was later allowed to retake one that would prevent her from working as a solicitor. She got a low overall mark, but the prestige of the university she attended helped to ameliorate some of that. To finance her degree she started gambling. Sharon = resilient, agentic, strategic (cultivating friendships that could help her in the future).
David: in 40s, two children, studied Arts & Humanities degree + PGCE. David was edged out of school at age 16; parents = low qualified, came from rough community = not supported to continue education/ lack of cultural capital. Worked as taxi driver for 20 years, through which he realized how important education can be for making a difference. He loves films so did a script-writing course, after which he signed up for an Access course. He found university to be the opposite of school and loved it and described himself as the new me. Becoming a teacher was something that appealed from beginning of degree. After completing PGCE, he took substitute teaching work and built his network, but has been in 5 years of precarious teaching work since, leaving him exhausted: I have done everything I can to be, try and make myself invaluable trying to fecking please everybody (quoted on p.11).
Core argument: When a basic degree loses value our research indicates other resources including wealth alongside social and specific forms of cultural capital, especially embodied cultural capital- come into to play in securing good graduate jobsÉ but it is sharply constrained by structural limits and objective possibilities.
While attending HE brings benefits the full extent of these risks becomes clear when one explores what happens after university especially in a period characterised by increased precarity and competition in the labour market. (all p.12).

Context: Examines 'social capitalist' (third way) political-educational imaginary, which captures "a view that social governance is capable of pursuing and achieving the social democratic ideals of equity and social justice, within the architecture of a globalising and competitive capitalist economy" (p.33). In third way politics, community = seen as governable space. Schools = reimagined as 'learning communities' where equity and excellence can coincide harmoniously (but within marketised, competitive sector). Indeed, the market = the "prime mechanism" (p.37) for the successful combination of equity and excellence. Savage tracks the history of third way politics in the ALP over the last decade (see p.36) - draws a lot on Rudd's speeches. Educational equity from a social capitalist view = "Social injustice is thus abhorrent for its squandering of individual and national productivity" (p.38).
Aim: To examine how social capitalism is evident in schooling policy and practice (in Victoria); to "analyse tensions and paradoxes that emerge when each school attempts to imagine and govern itself towards policy ideals" (p.34)
Theoretical frame:
Methodology: Draws from ethnographic project that explored two schools: one high SES (Waterbury) and one low SES (Essex Hills) to examine how social capitalist political-educational imagination plays out. Data collection = observations/ interviews
Findings:
Both schools = "engaged in active attempts to imagine and govern their school communities towards policy ideals" (p.40). Waterbury = characterized as 'competitive haven'. Examines linguistic positioning of school as 'learning community working together' and notes appointment of 0.8 Community Engagement Officer (who brokers financial arrangements between the school and local businesses). Waterbury = highly competitive with high expectations. However, teacher interviews suggested that within this climate, time for inclusive pedagogy and equity = eroded or erased, especially in context of pressure to increase ENTER scores (with status that comes with and narrow focus on linear tertiary pathways). The ways that this pressure impacted on work = negative ('data machines'). Gives example of a student's suicide (fear of letting school and other students down noted in her diary). Also, Waterbury only offers tertiary/ academic pathways - any students not wanting to proceed with academic subjects/path need to leave school and find another that offers VET subjects (and weaker students 'weeded out').
Essex hill = pulled by pressures. Promotes itself as 'academically promising' and more emphasis on care and safety. Staff and students countered these claims (the school was perceived as failing at equity and excellence by staff, and as unsafe and uncaring by students). One teacher discussed competition with other local schools for 'parent clientele' and students, meaning more 'manpower' = marketing. Teachers also concerned about performance related pay reforms and the impact on collegiality (which would also make teachers focus more on ticking boxes and increasing scores). Essex Hills = more pastoral supports, but this was felt to conversely impact on time possible to work on 'excellence' part (academic teaching)
Core argument: That excellence and equity = undermined by highly stratified system that deliberately discriminates against individuals in line with performance hierarchies. In sum, "a paradoxical bind appears, whereby attempts to concentrate on competitive excellence starve the pastoral and equitable, and vice versa" (p.52).

Context: Marginalisation of women's experiences in UK higher education; widening participation; extra-curricular activities (ECA) and employability agenda. Authors critique dominance of discourse of independence = concealing neoliberal devolution of responsibility for support to individual (self-entrepreneurial) student (e.g. Professional Development Planning in UK). Authors argue we know little about how students engage with their communities/ other networks and what is considered valuable
ECA = created with 'ideal' (i.e. 'traditional') student in mind; ECA = not congruent with complex lives of WP students (work, care, responsibilities, financial constraints); "the idea of ECA discursively privileges the production of particular selves oriented towards the future (Clegg 2010)" (p.43).
Employability = performance/ trying to craft an image that will be congruent with employers' ideals: "We were, therefore, concerned with the concrete ways students might be able to mobilise activities undertaken outside the curriculum, and outside the university, as part of their emerging graduate identities. For activities to count in this way it involves, however, a degree of recognition of the ways in which these identities are likely to be confirmed or disconfirmed by employers in the future" (p.43).
Authors also interested in how female students in particular developed (or not) 'capital accumulating strategies'
Aim: To "extend the critique of the prevalent gender-blind individualism, which informs the employability debate and associated pedagogies, to new settings" (p.42); to examine what activities were valued by students and staff and what students engage in (ECA), and how these relate to perceptions about employability/ future selves; to "concentrate on the gendered dimensions of ECA and their valuing in the student data" (p.44)
Theoretical frame: Capital (Bourdieu)
Methodology: Data drawn from broader study of post-1992 university funded by the HEA. Data collection = survey with 2nd year undergraduate students (n=640; 2/3+ = female) + follow-up interviews (n=61; 38f, 23m)
Findings: Valuing ECA
Significant gender difference: 76% of men compared to 48% of women engaged in ECA, but this shifted with regard to prompted ECA ("about a full range of activities: arts, faith/cultural, political, sport/ physical, volunteering, and caring/domestic", p.45), with 73% and 60% respectively. Interview data suggest that women tend to describe activities more as hobbies; men = more likely to have a broader understanding of what counts as ECA. Men = more likely to be actively building evidence for CVs (to gain competitive advantage in workplace); this is also classed, with middle-class men more likely to recognise the value in converting participation into currency, and men = more likely to value all forms of employment as helping orient to employment, while women are more likely to dismiss low-skilled work (thinking that employers would be less likely to consider it).
Other forms of capital: authors note that despite the literature suggesting that women are better at accruing other forms of capital, this was not evident in their data; "The difference here is not just the naturalisation of caring, but rather that the women in our study did not then stand back from caring as the 'naturalised feminine' and claim it as a resource" (p.50). Few women in the study indicated that they would draw future employers' attention to their caring duties; rather, they appeared to view caring as a disadvantage, which-if so-"robs them of the opportunity of elaborating a narrative in which caring can be valorised as a way of demonstrating considerable social value and worth" (p.51). In their other work, a similar gendered understanding of care was found with academics: "caring is also not regarded as being of value as a form of ECA by most academic staff, though female academics were more likely than male to recognise the value of caring"(p.51).
Core argument:
"The gendering of the academy is complex and uneven and the dominant forms of identity assumed in the pedagogies of independence remain highly problematic when understood from the perspective of gendered, raced and classed identities" (p.41)
Gendered implications of recognising what ECAs count/ how gender is significant and conflicting: if other forms of ECA are recognised, it could benefit women (by helping them to value the kinds of activities they may already engage in, and by institutions providing more recognitive supports), but it may also "simply be seen as a way of extending performativity and self-surveillance into ever more aspects of life, so that the employable subject encroaches into even more of the lifeworld" (p.52)

Context: Widening participation data in England; government focus to increase participation in non-traditional students aged 18-30. British gov't had spent $2b since 1997 on WP; literature suggests a fall in participation of lower social classes (Sanders, 2006). Gorard argues that 'unfair under-representation' in HE = not established because of selective entry - the argument cannot be made without nuanced analysis of who additional participants = intended to be. Gorard's earlier work (Gorard & Smith, 2006) proposes 5 analytic steps for defining under-representation:
1. "a suitable definition of, and method of measuring, membership of the social groups involved;
2. a suitable definition and characterisation of the relevant population;
3. an accurate measure of the prevalence of the social groups in the relevant population;
4. an agreed definition of what we mean by participation in HE;
5. an accurate measure of the prevalence of those with HE experience in the social groups involved" (p.422)
Aim: To draw on Higher Educaiton Statistics Agency (HESA) data to look for patterns in under-representation of 'WP' students
Theoretical frame: None explicit
Methodology: Essay - responds to 5 analytic steps (Gorarf & Smith, 2006) and drawing on HESA and UCAS data
Findings:
1) Categorisation of under-represented groups is challenging (matter of judgement) and the categorisations currently used = 'arbitrary' - should classifications be of student or parents?
2) Who = relevant population depends on a) size of group in wider population; b) age of students (important because "the characteristics of the birth cohorts in the UK have changed over time in terms of the relative prevalence of ethnic and occupational groups" (p.423); c) country of birth
3) Issues using census because of 10 year cycle (and much can change in a decade and not every household has to participate) and = difficulties with acquiring holistic tracking data (UCAS and HESA data = partial)
4) Difficult to know whether students have previously participated in HE (but not completed and therefore no qualification)
5) Incomplete data sets make this difficult to ascertain
Analysis: overall = 50% increase in domestic ('home') students over decade - mostly in pre-undergraduate courses (Foundation Degrees, diplomas): "This distinction is important, because it shows that increasing participation, and the widening of opportunities that accompanies it, has been disproportionately concerned with many of these relatively recent kinds of opportunities" (p.427) - this erodes WP data because economic/ human capital arguments = based on undergraduate degrees
Core argument: There are significant gaps in the data, and a series of complex decisions made in classifying social groups, that make it very difficult to say 'who is missing': "Unless these analytical compromises are clearly reported there is a danger that debates about what is happening inWP will be misinterpreted by commentators as being about issues of substance, whereas they are, in reality, merely about differences in these analytical decisions" (p.435). More importantly: "there is no simple and consistent pattern of under-representation among socially disadvantaged groups in attendance on HE courses, once prior qualifications for entry are taken into account" (p.436).

Context: Works from Select Committee Report (2001) - Access to Higher Education -and examines one case study of an initiative to raise aspirations. Notes how access and aspirations are inextricably linked in HE/ WP policy. Notes positioning in the report as aiming to 'raise aspirations' of young people from traditionally under-represented backgrounds, which played out in predictable ways (low SES schools participating in various initiatives designed to 'raise aspirations'
Aim:
Theoretical frame: Notes predominance of Bourdieu's theories (habitus in particular) in other literature on students' aspirations and decision-making
Methodology: Case study of evaluation of one initiative in a low HE participation/ high unemployment area. Mixed methods approach - this paper offers data collected from semi-structured interviews with key stakeholders: steering group members, teaching staff, project organisers, and students (n=6 students). Case study initiative started in 1995 (broader project explored evaluation post-5 years of implementation) and targeted Year 9 students in local schools in various workshops (an inspirational talk/ dance and music workshops/ end-of-year performance). Schools were free to choose what activities they participated in and which students could participate (some students self-selected; others were selected by teachers).
Findings: Interviews with students suggested that selection for participation was problematic (Slack notes the guidelines on participation were not clear until the end of the project). The students who were interviewed felt that the selection was unfair, with the 'best' students chosen - many felt 'left out' on the basis of their status and academic ability in the school. This feeling was reiterated by students who had taken part who felt that they shouldn't have participated because they had already decided to pursue further education. Furthermore, the types of activities on offer = attractive to 'swots' (aka those more academically inclined), and a reduced appeal for boys (because of music/ dance focus). The activities were chosen by adults (with no input from pupils): "they felt they had little say in what was offered as part of the project. Activities were, therefore, based on the 'tastes' of adults, and reflected their habitus: one which differed significantly from that of the intended
beneficiaries, young people from a predominately working class background" (p.331); draws on Bourdieu's notion of 'taste'. Interview data from the project organisers suggests that they viewed the activities as offering 'wonderful opportunities' and lifelong memories; in contrast, interviewed students said they though the activities had been organized by people in their 60s.
Core argument: The success of the activities described in the case study was inhibited by a lack of consultation with children in the local area, and a lack of clear direction in terms of who could/ should participate in them. The construction and focus of the activities was seen to exclude working class students, and boys in particular, from conception. Furthermore, "additional questions must be asked in relation to aspiration raising initiatives themselves: to raise aspirations and not increase opportunities realistically available is both demoralizing and unfair" (p.333). These issues need to be addressed and considered for initiatives to be successful for 'raising aspirations'.

Context: Underrepresentation of BAME students in elite/ RG higher education in UK; set against political context of insufficient representation of black students in Oxbridge (see lament of politician David Lammy). Offers literature review which challenges assumption that higher education leads to social mobility
Aim: To explore issues related to 'self-exclusion' from examining decisions of where to apply for university according to ethnicity ('race'); to explore "the propensity of different ethnic and social class groups to apply to higher-status and lower-status institutions" (p.1171).
Theoretical frame: Sociological notions of choice; framed against neoliberal backdrop of UK higher education
Methodology: Statistical modelling of 50,000 UCAS applications in 2008 (A-level students). BAME students = oversampled to provide comparison group with White students. See p.1174 for detail of analysis
Findings:
BAME patterns: Most Asian groups preferenced elite institutions, while black candidates, along with
Pakistanis and Bangladeshis, tended to lean towards lower-ranking institutions (p.1175). Also clear patterns according to social class (professional family backgrounds = lean toward elite; working class toward new), but ethnic patterns here (e.g. Chinese tend to be from lower status professional backgrounds but disproportionately apply for privileged unis; opposite for professional Black Caribbean/ other Black). Course applied for = also significant variable (higher status courses = more likely to apply for elite uni)
Core argument: "Ethnic differences reflect particular forms of 'ethnic capital' as well as the constraints within which these resources operate" (p.1187), but when other variables (schooling and social class) are taken into account the ethnic patterns flatten out

Context: The literature highlights the significance of a 'discipline based academic skills program' to enhance the educational outcomes of EAL students. However, authors argue that there is a paucity of research regarding the reasons "at risk" students do not attend support programs. Definition of "at risk" students - 'those whose applied English competence is such that they are considered in danger of failing" (Kennelly, Maldoni & Davies, 2010) (p. 104). Program context - Unit Support Program (USP), a weekly embedded program in the unit Introduction to Management (ITM); a more 'generalised study skills support' (p. 104) program.
Aim: To describe and document the academic background of students who attended/avoided a support program at the University of Canberra & propose strategies which could attract greater student participation in the future.
Theoretical frame: Not specified in study.
Methodology: Case study methodology (Six case studies - Three/cohort); Data collection methods: Four student assessments (weekly multiple choice questionnaires, an essay, a presentation & an exam; more than 200 student evaluation surveys; individual interviews (n=22 - 11 students who attended USP & 11 who did not). Findings: 1)Findings from the irregularly attending cohort - 52.3% of identified "at risk" students (n=148), did not regularly attend the offered USP support program; more than 90% of this cohort failed the unit; average age of cohort: 21.5 years; 17/21 students failed the unit; average fail rate: 53%; Key findings from three case studies: "subversion of entry requirements"(Case study 1), "perseverance" (Case Study 2) & "extra-curricular diversions" (Case study 3); Case study 1 - Lee: ATAR level of 75; started a commerce degree in 2007; failed 9/9 units in Year 1; felt frustrated with lack of ELP; passed units after three years; highlights issue of ELP levels for university entry - where English for ESL (which is conversational) is insufficient for university; Case study 2: Julie - recognised her need to write better & sought help from the ASP (academic study skills) and had a one to one consultation in the Government Business Relations unit; highlights the importance of perseverance & the differing needs of students, thus suggesting that assistance for students may not always be from a single source; Case study 3: Adam - International student from China who moved to Australia in Year 10; dream is to be a pilot; enrolled in a college with a pilot flying program; ATAR of 68 & entered university; failed his ITM (47%) after attending USP three times; better prepared in Semester 2/207 - had pilot's license & reduced flying hours, and passed three units; constant exposure to English at flying school, university & work helped improve his ability & confidence to speak & write in English; reflects both the 'downside' and considerable long-term benefits of extra-curricular activities; 6/11 interviewees were distracted by extra-curricular activities during their university attendance; 2) Findings from regularly attending cohort - 47.7% of at-risk students regularly attended USP (Kennelly, Maldoni, & Davies, 2010, p. 67); 21 students were selected for interview on why they attended USP & their perceived benefits of the program; average attendance of 8.5/12 workshops; 100% passed the unit; average failure rate - 22.8%; 9/11 students had outside exposure to English; average age- 26 years; Key findings from case studies: "readiness" (Case Study 4); "academic English skills' (Case Study 5); 'Capacity to self-identify as needing help" (Case study 6); Case study 4: Brian - enrolled at UC at 23; struggled in most units - 15/30 for major essay in ITM; attributed pass in ITM to attending USP nine times; passed all units in Semester 2 & 2; reflects significance of maturity (influence of employment, ELP competency, personal motivation & willingness to accept help when needed); raises question of age as a 'predictor of success and/or readiness' (p. 110); Case study 5: Mary - bilingual background (Arabic & English); IELTS score - 6.5; Year 1 at university: passed 3/8 units; Year 2: passed 6/10 units, including Academic English; Year 3: passed 8/8 units, including ITM, with regular USP attendance; highlights the theme of maturity again, but with an emphasis on 'preparedness' (p. 110), especially in academic literacy; points towards the need for teachers in support programs to 'challenge the presumption that an IELTS score of itself alone provides the student with the sufficient English skills to survive at university'; Case study 6: Josephine- mature age African student, who is a refugee with a PR status in Australia; 40 year old single mother who experiences childcare challenges; encounters challenges with academic language & Australian university culture; found USP with tutor support and attended eight times; passed her exam unit, with moderate marks; highlights the difficulties in identifying 'at risk' students due to assumptions that most students would be EAL students on study visas, which could present challenges in providing support to students who require them; 3)Comparison of both cohorts - Three significant differences identified between both cohorts: a)Progression - 'Progression in the attending cohort showed students failed units at less than half the rate (22.8%) of the irregularly attending cohort (53%)' (p. 112); b) Age - 'The attending cohort had an average age of 26 years as opposed to the irregularly attending cohort of 21.5 years' (p. 112); c) Attendance at the Canberra (senior secondary) Colleges - Using the College (ATAR) entry enabled 'two out of 11 students in the attending cohort and seven out of 11 students in the irregularly attending cohort to avoid satisfying the normal English language requirement for university to their detriment' (p. 112).
Discussion: Implication of findings - "One size does not fit all" (p. 113) in the provision of support for at-risk students attending university; The 'point of commonality' between both cohorts was 'all 22 students had individual needs and 21 found the USP valuable in satisfying their specific needs' (p. 113); another important factor - Key role of tutorial staff in the parent program (Introduction to Management); Ways for students to maximise educational outcomes at university: i)English language competence from additional English language exposure, especially for academic English; ii)Limited paid employment; iii)Peer support of a native English speaker; Self help programs attendance (eg: USP); Intrinsic motivation; Pre-university preparation; Preparedness for university (appropriate ELP levels & understanding of the role of USP in assisting them).
Core argument: The findings from the study 'provide evidence for both optimism and concern; optimism for many mature age EAL students and others who generally seek opportunities such as the USP; concern because of the myriad reasons proffered by often younger students for not attending the USP' (p. 115).

Context: Responds to editorial (Savage, Sellar, Gorur 2013). Writes that market reforms are designed to increase inequality. Neoliberalism is fuelled by privilege and competition - inequality is central to neo-liberalism's success. Education is not - and could not - be immune to the pervasive need to create dichotomies between haves and have nots.
The market agenda (p.280): neo-liberalism is based around 'free market' and deregulation/ loosening of control - initially over banking, currency exchange and capital movement; "expanding terrain[s] of profit-making" and "universal commodification of services" = at heart of neoliberal logic/ imaginary. Casualisation caused by: "Managers' salaries and bonuses rise, in both the private and public sectors, to unprecedented levels; while an emphasis on labour market flexibility produces a growing workforce of part-time and casual and contract labour at the bottom of the organisations".
In education: what is commodified? - to create a market, you have to restrict something. In education you have to ration education so as to create a privilege (e.g. paying fees) - privilege can be commodified and marketed in competitive conditions (offers example of private school brochures/ websites). In education, "exclusion is vital. There need to be visible losers, if parents are to be persuaded to pay for their children to become winners" (p.282) - thus the invigorated return to competitive testing (e.g. NAPLAN) and public display of results.
Illusions and realities: policy/ discourses point to disadvantaged communities (who are not 'middle class' = dominant hegemonic group) but actually the rich are the minority - but never mentioned.
Neoliberal logic does not like or want to hear from practitioners' experience/ knowledge
Research: "contrary to the rhetoric of ' evidence-based policy', neo-liberal policy-making proceeds as if it already knows the answer to policy problems... In a neo-liberal universe, the answer to a policy problem will always be expanded markets, more competition, more flexibility, more entrepreneurialism and more private ownership" (p.284).

Context: Attrition/ retention of nursing and midwifery students. Attrition is particular concern because of impact on future workforce of nurses and midwives. Cites Tinto's work on retention (1975) and other work (e.g. Liz Thomas' work). Examines literature relating to experiences of students who are educationally disadvantage
Aim: "to explore student motivations, experiences and support requirements during their first year to determine the efficacy of institutional retention initiatives" (abstract). Other aims =
"Collect reflections from students about their motivations for joining the nursing and midwifery professions.
Determine what type of support available in first year had helped make nursing and midwifery students feel part of their programme
Agree on improvements that could be made to support students during the challenges faced in their first year of university study" (p.872-3)
Theoretical frame: Not specified in study
Methodology: Qualitative study in large Scottish university with 'a reputation for widening participation' (73% = FinF; 25% of students in School of Health and Life Sciences = experience multiple deprivations). Focus groups conducted to 'capture authentic student voice' (p.873). Pilot focus groups (n=57) with Year 1 students in May 2011. Data collected in two phases: Sep 2011 (n=44; 6 focus groups) and Jan 2012 (n=22; 3 focus groups). 42 participants = female. Analysis = grounded theory (thematic analysis)
Findings:
Phase 1 focus group data: motivation for enrolling = largely due to reputation of course (reputation passed via friends, family, college staff + observations from open days) + keen to get clinical experience/ placement.
Biggest challenges with transition = due to logistical issues - accessing VLE/ timetables. Most negative expectations = not met.
Role models = important for inspiring and motivating students - particularly lecturing staff and other students
Phase 2 focus group data: Expectations = largely met (positive) or unmet (negative)
Juggling multiple/ competing demands = challenging
Academic staff = still significant for providing support.
Independent learning = challenging
Core argument: Three major sources of support: role models (inspiration for profession), staff and peers. Students' expectations = significant for retention

Context: UK medical schools and the widening participation agenda ('widening access'; WA) = recruitment and admission of non-traditional students - numbers of low SES students = disproportionately low. UK context = different from other nations (e.g. USA and Canada) because 90% of programs are undergraduate. Cites previous work by co-author (Cleland et al. 2015) that found conflicting interpretations of WA policy when interviewing medical admissions staff - incongruence between opening access to diverse students and 'selecting for excellence'. Cites other work from Canada that has examined tension between social justice and meritocratic selection for 'excellence'
Aim: To "investigate how the value of WA is communicated by UK medical schools through their websites, and how this may create expectations regarding who is 'suitable' for medicine" (abstract). Asks: "What are the barriers to applying to medicine for those from under-represented or 'non-traditional' groups?" (p.2); to examine the messages given about medical education.
Theoretical frame: Foucault's notion of discourse
Methodology: Critical discourse analysis of medical school websites in paradigm of 'criticalism'. Asked these questions of the data: "How is the value of WA to medicine communicated by UK medical schools through their WA webpages? What expectations are set up by these discourses with regard to who is 'suitable' for medicine and encouraged to apply?" (p.3). Data = 25 (from possible 34) medical schools = information on websites about WA initiatives (e.g. outreach, visits, mentoring), WA entry routes. Other 9 universities did not provide this information on their websites. Total corpus = 433815 words. 5 stages of analysis:
1) familiarization phase
2) data collected through copying text
3) used analytic framework from Hyatt (2013) to examine 3 aspects: drivers, levers, warrants
4) examined differences and similarities in ways WA = constructed (looked at linguistic features such as evaluative language, tone, register and audience address; see p.5).
5) explored subject positions and subjectivities made available
Analysis= cross-checked and validated across the team
Findings: Strong driver communicated by all schools = WA as need to 'diversify the workforce or student body' - thus focusing on what WA is, rather than why. Individuals = central to WA messages, conveying the value of WA as facilitating social mobility (warranted against 'fairness' and social justice) - desirable forms of merit = academic achievement, commitment to study and potential. Some schools indicated WA was about improving fairness of selection (italics in original; p.7). Two websites positioned WA as about diversifying the workforce (thus not focus on benefits of WA to individuals, but rather benefits to workforce). Medical schools position themselves as 'helping' WA students: "In a Foucauldian sense, this discourse creates and legitimises a subject position for medical schools in which they are responsible for 'providing' WA through support and information. Participants in WA initiatives are seen to require and receive medical schools' actions, legitimising their position of disadvantage and deficit" (p.9).
Core argument: Dominant message communicated on medical websites = individually-focused view of social mobility; "it is perhaps surprising how strongly this discourse overpowers the counterdiscourse of the value of WA for the improvement of service provision and patient care, especially given the increasing presence of this argument internationally" (p.9). Therefore, WA students = positioned as needing to demonstrate traditionally valued qualities for medicine, and justifications for WA = "intertwined with the promotion and preservation of the dominance of academic merit within selection" (p.10)

Context: Explores notion of 'fairness' in context of proposed reforms (2014) to deregulate student fees and introduce national equity scholarship scheme. Brief history of payment of Aus HE (free to students 1974-1988; introduction of HECS/student contribution in 1989- 2012; post 2012, uncapped places but limited tuition fees (max amount can be charged). 2014: Lib-Nat coalition put forward proposal to reduce commonwealth contribution per student (thus charging students more) and deregulate tuition fees (meaning HEIs could decide how much to charge), representing "a fuller transition to a demand-side higher education system, with both cost and supply being determined by the market" (p.18). Opposition parties opposed this reform on basis that it would be unfair, unequal, elitist (Aus Greens and Labor). Fairness = underpinned by assumptions of merit (but see Sen for argument about merit reflecting notions of what counts as 'good society'). Draws on his own distinction between 'procedural fairness' and 'normative fairness' (Pitman, 2014). Problematises the massification approach to fairness ('a rising tide lifts all boats', p.20) - but this notion is underpinned by assumption that disadvantaged students will gain access once higher/middle classes = saturated. Such policies assume lack of places is more problematic than cost barriers. "In contrast, acts of redistribution occur when policy and action directly target disadvantaged students to increase their proportional representation within higher education" (p.20)
Aim: To unpack the various conceptualisations of 'fairness' that fuelled the debate over 10 months
Theoretical frame:
Methodology: Critical Discourse Analysis of public statements on proposed reforms
Core argument: Fairness is on continuum

Context: From HEFCE-funded project from consortium of 6 selective, research-intensive (Russell Group) universities (Sheffield, Newcastle, York, Leeds, Manchester, Warwick) on Postgraduate Taught programs (PGT). Conducted 2014-2015. Project was in response to Browne Review (2010) - this report dedicated only one page to PG funding and argued that PG students should not receive same support as UG students but they also recognised that higher UG fees (cost to student) may deter students from progressing to PG. Cites Smith (2010) 'One Step Beyond: Making the most of postgraduate education', which highlighted how PG education has been "relatively neglected" (p.45; cited on p.10). Cites Sutton Trust report 'The social composition and future earning of postgraduates' which asserts that 30% of private educated students enter PG study 6 months after graduating, compared with 23% of state schooled counterparts. Also lists other UK-funded reports (p.11). PG applications for domestic (UK/EU) students declined in 2010/11 and 2011/12 by 15%. Alan Milburn (Gov advisor on Social Mobility) warned of risk of increased tuition fees on low SES students' desire for PG study (see p.11-2)
Aim: Project based around 4 themes: financial, academic innovation, information/advice/guidance, understanding the student. P.14 - Financial aim: to develop, pilot and evaluate models of financing. Academic innovation aim: develop and implement new academic products. Information/advice/guidance aim: to develop and implement targeted interventions. Understanding the student: to provide a detailed picture of admissions/ enrolments and develop understandings of barriers and motivations to PGT study.
Findings:
Financial
Chapter 3: Developed and trialled a scholarship scheme: 6 consortium universities offered 416 (increased from original 350 planned) scholarships of between GBP10,000 and GBP15,000 based on WP criteria (50% funded by HEFCE and 50% by consortium institutions). Table 3.1 = criteria employed by institutions. Dissemination was critical (p.22). Different ways of offering scholarships affected the number of eligible applications and uptake of offers. Demographic overview (p.24-5): e.g. 27% = disabilities. 10 were care leavers.
Chapter 4: Developed and trialed Professional Career Development Loans targeted at WP PG students. Identified that Cranfield and Durham University were developing their own PG loans up to GBP10,000. Consortium spoke to several banks/finance universities - but see announcement of government backed loan scheme.
Chapter 5: Match-funding came from philanthropic funds/ small gifts/ major gifts and employers
Academic innovation
Chapter 6: Academic innovation in PGT: Pilot courses: PG award in Career Development (Uni Warwick); Gateway to Lifelong Learning (Uni Warwick) - a taster to encourage direct entry for local students without a UG degree; PG Awards Program (Uni Warwick) - individual accredited modules to support WP UG students to PG study; PG Award in Innovative Business Leadership (Uni Warwick) -developed to encourage SMEs in staff development and training. Uni Sheffield developed online toolkit for PGT programs: www.sheffield.ac.uk/lets/pgttoolkit
Uni Manchester trialled integrated Master's degree (4 year UG program with Year 4 at Master's level) - more common in professionally-regulated areas (Pharmacy/ Engineering)
Evaluation: "The pilot programmes delivered by The University of Warwick demonstrated that there is latent demand for postgraduate programmes from non-traditional postgraduate student groups and that where the programmes on offer are flexible and designed to meet their learning needs these students are able to make a successful transition to and through postgraduate courses of study" (p.49).
Information/Advice/Guidance (IAG)
Chapter 7: IAG and Employer Engagement: investigate non-financial barriers. Institutions often do not have specific staff for PG/WP students. This part of project explored staff perceptions and trialed new interventions. Findings of qualitative research with staff and students highlight how important it is to develop understandings of why students choose PG study (see p.50). Need for on-course support, especially where students were upskilling; innovative forms of IAG needed for students with responsibilities. Recommendations (p.51):
- Development of specific separate Information, Advice and Guidance strategies, at a national and institutional level, to support progression to postgraduate study from under- represented groups,
- Consideration of the way in which advice and guidance can be accessed, in addition to information, by students who are currently out of education;
- Further research to understand and inform the development of interventions for PGT students from WP backgrounds to address social and cultural capital;
- Further research to understand the relative impact of different types of IAG to support progression, retention and completion.
Understanding the student
Chapter 8: Understanding the student. Investigated students' motivations and barriers to PGT (qual/quant). Tools included: 'Pathways beyond Graduation' survey; applicant/registration data; 'Pathways to PG Study' survey & Alumni Qualitative Research (delivered by Careers Research and Advisory Centre - commissioned to conduct semi-structured interviews with 80 domestic UG graduates from six partner universities) & Futuretrack data analysis. Main finding: GOOD ADVICEa + ATTAINMENTb + FUNDINGc = ENTRY TO POSTGRADUATE STUDY
Lots of rich data here about motivations/ school background
Recommendations: Financial: PG scholarship schemes/ Professional Career Development Loan/ Matched funding/ Academic Innovation (including Toolkit for PGT programme)/ Information, guidance: WP approaches and interventions for UG students can be used to support PG students. Staff worried about patronising PGT students. Lots of assumptions exist about expectations that PGT students would understand what is expected of them (not the case). Understand that PGT cohort = not homogeneous. Understanding student: broad similarities observed across consortium universities, place of UG study appears to be significant for getting onto PG program. Academic attainment appears to predict PG access (class/gender/ethnic factors). Gaining employment = #1 reason for embarking on PG study (and some evidence to suggest students used PGT as a way to 'repair' wrong choices. Cost, not debt, important factor for students, although high debt appeared to be barrier to disadvantaged groups. Masters degree study = seems to correlate with job patters (PGT students = secure high-skilled jobs). Inequalities appear in transition to PG study - possibility of unfairness in admissions process (but cannot be generalised)
Relevance to PGCW/ equity: Inequalities in SES/ ethnicity/ gender are likely to be result of inequalities in good advice and attainment and some impact of SES on funding.
Typology for PG WP: suggest monitoring and intervening (not financial) on following factors: low SES/ type of secondary school attended/ FiF/ ethnicity and gender.
Pedagogical intervention suggested? Yes - in Chapter 6
Points to future research agenda? Yes: p.74

Context: Offers an assessment of whether the Rudd/Gillard policy approach to widening participation 'worked'. Characterises the 20/40 targets as 'widening' and 'expanding' participation (40% target dependent on 20% target), achieved in policy terms by attending to equity in and raising aspirations to HE. Contextualises Australian focus with international/OECD countries, noting many share the push to increase numbers of knowledge workers, albeit with social inclusion agenda also prevalent. Notes that 'universal participation' has become new social imaginary (Gale & Hodge, 2014); others note that the 20/40 targets are not close to being achieved and recent reviews (e.g. Kemp & Norton, 2014) do not share this vision.
Theoretical frame: Mills' (1959) sociological imagination = relations between private troubles and public issues (see p.258).
Methodology: Essay
Findings: Absence of sociological imagination in Rudd/Gillard policy = evident in 3 ways: 1) widespread trouble was misrecognised/ misrepresented; 2) misalignment of private troubles/ public issues so that aspirations = located in individuals and social/community issues ignored; 3) policy elevated private issues to public level - limited/no consideration of how existing systems create 'private troubles'. Furthermore, preference for/reliance on quantitative measurements foreground private issues, whereas qualitative research has a better possibility of illuminating the social-structural constraints. Gale notes how bounded systems (e.g. UG study) = becoming more porous as result of globalisation = discusses high SES students studying in elite universities in other countries to gain positional advantage (geographic mobility)
Qualifying equity: not just about access, participation, success in HE; it's now about those in relation to particular forms of HE and ignores what students bring and HE serves students' needs (p.264) - therefore focus is on diversity of student body, not HE's response to accommodating that diversity - there has been more creation of spaces for new bodies but not commensurate consideration of what they embody (ref to Dei's epistemological equity; also see Connell's 'southern theory')
Aspiration strategies: notes how aspiration has been positioned as individual psychological construct (private issue) with information and guidance to individuals and their families held up as best approach to 'convert' students to aspiring to HE. "Yet the distinction between desire and possibility remains important: for the advantaged, possibility is mediated by desire but for the disadvantaged, desire is mediated by possibility" (p.266)
There is plenty of research that shows that low SES students do have aspirations for HE - thus suggesting that aspiration is not the problem. Instead, perhaps = diminished navigational capacities, less map ('in the know') knowledge. Also = problematic positioning of HE as key to 'good life'
"Equity is at once conceived as a public response to the private troubles of individuals and specific groups, while also contributing to the private troubles of these individuals and groups through limited conceptions of social-structural issue... the aspiration troubles of individuals and specific groups are escalated to the level of public issue when they reveal problems with structural arrangements." (p.260)
Core argument: Labor (2007-13) policies lacked sociological imagination, resulting in the projection of deficits onto individuals who didn't want to 'play'. Also argues that this means that participation of disadvantaged groups = set to continue
"A sociological imagination and thus new policy commitments are now required: (1) to expand the application of equity to other parts of the HE system, including and centrally to the nature of HE itself, and (2) to recognize and resource the aspirations of under-represented groups for HE without these aspirations being confined to or by HE" (p.268).

Context: Looks at issues related to students' mental health in the context of widening participation to HE in the UK; examines through the conceptual/ analytic frame of the capabilities approach. Authors make link between WP and improved mental health (due to reduced social exclusion, empowerement). However, WP activities (e.g., targeted outreach) rarely specifically include people with mental health issues. Authors argue that therapeutic group therapy and symptom management are common, but using capabilities approach could be useful. Reviews literature on WP (Gorard's contention that WP = for 'the usual suspects', see p.37)
Aim: To "discuss a WP project in which a small group of people experiencing mental health problems took part in a student-led research study, informed by the capabilities approach" (abstract). Focus group guided by 2 questions:
- To explore the nature of the involvement of the archive group and the links between students experiencing mental health problems and their study of the archived records of the former lunatic asylum.
- To explore the educational dimensions of this involvement and its meaning for the students.
Theoretical frame: Capabilities approach (Sen; Nussbaum). Authors argue that this approach is useful for foregrounding the convert resources to opportunities for people with mental health issues: "For people with mental health problems, there is a demonstrable relationship between the ability to convert resources and to be recognised as a human being with value, worth and meaning within that conversion, which is more than a process of symptom alleviation" (p.40). Recovery = understood as a resource
Methodology: Student-led research study of WP/ mental health; presented as case study from WARM (Widening Access Research and Mentoring) group. Project = archival research with students (student-led) into historic records of local Lunatic Asylum. Seven students in total; supported by tutor and archive staff. Focus group conducted toward end of project
Findings: Focus group discussion: initially all students though the archive activity was something only an academic could do; students enjoyed the initially unstructured approach to the work; developed a sense of confidence.
All students agreed that the timing was very significant (already familiar with WARM, mental health relatively stable at the time). Students all surprised at achievements, which they would have rejected had they been articulated as 'learning targets'; own personal interest = significant. All thought their research skills improved
Core argument: Because students were not given the label of students with mental health issues, rather parallel and multiple identities recognised, "They thus took on new social characteristics reaching 'valuable states of being' (Sen, 1993) and the freedom to achieve, which had been unavailable to them prior to the project at the archive" (p.51).
Using a capabilities approach can facilitate 'transformative' approach to WP